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Police Abuse


A TEXAS REPORTER BUSTED FOR ASKING QUESTIONS ASKS SCOTUS TO REJECT THE
CRIMINALIZATION OF JOURNALISM


PRISCILLA VILLARREAL IS APPEALING A 5TH CIRCUIT DECISION THAT DISMISSED HER
FIRST AMENDMENT LAWSUIT AGAINST LAREDO POLICE AND PROSECUTORS.

Jacob Sullum | 4.26.2024 4:20 PM

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Priscilla Villarreal (Saenz Photography/FIRE)

In 1973, the Texas Legislature made "misuse of official information" a
misdemeanor. The law, part of a chapter dealing with "abuse of office," applied
to "a public servant" who "acquires or aids another to acquire a pecuniary
interest in any property, transaction, or enterprise that may be affected by"
information that "has not been made public" but to which "he has access in his
official capacity." The statute also covered "a public servant" who "speculates
or aids another to speculate on the basis of the information."

Forty-four years later, police and prosecutors in Laredo deployed an amended and
expanded version of that anti-corruption law against Priscilla Villarreal, a
local journalist whose freewheeling news coverage and criticism of law
enforcement officials had irked them. By asking police questions about a public
suicide and a fatal car crash for stories on her locally popular Facebook page,
they claimed, she had committed felonies punishable by two to 10 years in
prison.

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In January, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit said there was nothing
"obviously unconstitutional" about arresting Villarreal for engaging in basic
journalism. Now she is asking the U.S. Supreme Court to review that decision,
which is blatantly at odds with freedom of speech and freedom of the press.

In a petition that it filed on Villarreal's behalf this week, the Foundation for
Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) urges the justices to uphold
well-established First Amendment rights by reviewing the 5th Circuit's ruling.
"If they can throw me in jail for asking a question, none of our free speech
rights are safe," Villarreal says. "Our First Amendment rights don't depend on
our popularity with local politicians. My case is not just about me, but also
the rights of every American."

Along with several other journalists, I am participating in a brief supporting
Villarreal's appeal. The brief will highlight this case's alarming implications
for quotidian journalism. Those implications stem from the abuse of a vague,
inartfully worded state law that was aimed at preventing public officials and
their cronies from taking financial advantage of inside information.

The 1973 law against "misuse of official information," now Section 39.06 of the
Texas Penal Code, was repeatedly amended over the years. Legislators broadened
the definition of the offense, reclassified it as a felony, and expanded the law
beyond government officials. Under Section 39.06(c), "a person commits an
offense if, with intent to obtain a benefit or with intent to harm or defraud
another, he solicits or receives from a public servant information" that "has
not been made public."

The Texas Penal Code defines "benefit" as "anything reasonably regarded as
economic gain or advantage." According to the police affidavits that supposedly
justified Villarreal's 2017 arrest, the "benefit" that she sought was a boost in
Facebook traffic. According to the 5th Circuit, the "benefit" that Villarreal
derived by maintaining "her first-to-report reputation" included ad revenue and
"free meals from appreciative readers." This commodious understanding of
"economic gain or advantage" is a far cry from the corruption that Section 39.06
was designed to curtail, and it would apply to any journalist who receives any
sort of compensation for his work, including salaried employees of news
organizations as well independent practitioners like Villarreal.



Section 39.06 defines "information that has not been made public" as "any
information to which the public does not generally have access" and that "is
prohibited from disclosure" under the Texas Public Information Act (TPIA).
Although the arrest affidavits did not address that element, the most likely
candidate for a TPIA exception in this context is Section 108(a)(1), which
applies to information that might compromise an ongoing investigation—a vague,
subjective, and potentially very broad category frequently invoked by law
enforcement agencies.

Villarreal initially obtained information about the suicide and the crash from
private sources, and she confirmed those leads with Laredo police officer
Barbara Goodman. Even if Goodman's superiors thought that information was
covered by a TPIA exception, it was not Villarreal's job to anticipate that
judgment or restrain herself accordingly. Like any good reporter, she sought to
uncover information of public interest by asking for it.

Under the Laredo Police Department's reading of Section 39.06(c), any reporter
who "solicits" information deemed to be exempt from disclosure under the
TPIA—even if he never receives it, let alone publishes it—is committing a
felony. The implications are sweeping. Thousands of times every year, government
agencies in Texas invoke Section 108(a)(1) of the TPIA (just one of several
possible rationales) as grounds for denying information requests. According to
the legal theory underlying Villarreal's arrest, all of those requesters are
guilty of felonies.

So are journalists who engage in less formal interactions with government
agencies. Every time a police spokesman says he can't answer a reporter's
question because doing so might compromise an ongoing investigation, for
example, that reporter has violated Section 39.06(c) as the cops who arrested
Villarreal interpreted it.

How many of those myriad potential defendants have been arrested for this
purported crime? As far as anyone can tell, zero—aside from Villarreal. As
dissenting 5th Circuit Judge James C. Ho noted, "no one has been able to
identify a single successful prosecution" under Section 39.06(c), "and certainly
never against a citizen for asking a government official for basic information
of public interest so that she can accurately report to her fellow citizens."



Laredo Police Chief Claudio Treviño and the local district attorney, Isidro R.
Alaniz, nevertheless claimed to think Villarreal had committed felonies by
asking questions. So did Chief Assistant District Attorney Marisela Jacaman,
Laredo police officers Juan Ruiz and Deyanira Villarreal (no relation to
Priscilla), and the local magistrate who approved the arrest warrants. A Webb
County district court judge showed more sense (or less animus), dismissing the
charges after concluding that Section 39.06(c) is unconstitutionally vague.

"When Villarreal turned herself in," according to her Supreme Court petition,
"Laredo police officers took cell phone pictures of the reporter in handcuffs
while mocking and laughing at her." Even without details like those, the
unprecedented nature of the charges against Villarreal reinforced her claim that
she was a victim of unconstitutional retaliation.

According to the 5th Circuit, however, police had probable cause to arrest
Villarreal, and the law was not so blatantly unconstitutional that they should
have recognized it was inconsistent with the First Amendment. The nine judges in
the majority therefore ruled that all of the officials Villarreal had sued were
entitled to qualified immunity, which bars federal civil rights claims unless
they allege violations of "clearly established" law.

That conclusion provoked four dissenting opinions authored or joined by seven
judges. It is not hard to see why.

"If the First Amendment means anything," Ho wrote in a dissent joined by five of
his colleagues, "surely it means that citizens have the right to question or
criticize public officials without fear of imprisonment." Yet the majority
opinion "opens by claiming that Defendants don't have to comply with the First
Amendment at all," saying it is not necessary to consider Section 30.06(c)'s
"constitutionality as applied to this citizen-journalist" as long as the arrest
was reasonable under the Fourth Amendment.

Judge James E. Graves Jr. likewise complained that "the majority opinion will
permit government officials to retaliate against speech while hiding behind
cherry-picked state statutes." He said Villarreal's arrest was "obviously
unconstitutional" given the "well-established right of journalists to engage in
routine newsgathering."



Judge Don Willett noted that the arrest, which resulted from months of
investigation, was not the sort of "fast-moving, high-pressure, life-and-death
situation" for which qualified immunity is designed. "Just as officers can be
liable for enforcing an obviously unconstitutional statute," Willett said, "they
can also be liable for enforcing a statute in an obviously unconstitutional
way." Otherwise, he said, "government officials can wield facially
constitutional statutes as blunt cudgels to silence speech (and to punish
speakers) they dislike." He also noted that 42 USC 1983, the law under which
Villarreal sued Alaniz et al., "declares that government officials 'shall be
liable' for violating the Constitution if they were acting 'under color of any
state statute'"—precisely what the defendants did in this case.

"This Court's long-settled precedent leaves no doubt that arresting Villarreal
for asking the government for information and publishing the response violated
the First Amendment—and every reasonable official would have known that," the
petition in Villarreal v. Alaniz says. "Time and again, this Court has upheld
the right to publish when government officials shared information only for the
government to turn around and try to punish those who gathered and published the
information."

In addition to contradicting those precedents, FIRE says, the 5th Circuit's
ruling "entitles law enforcement to qualified immunity when they launder obvious
First Amendment violations, like the one here, through state statutes. Not only
does that decision defy the Constitution and the text of Section 1983, but it
also conflicts with rulings in the Sixth, Eighth, and Tenth Circuits. Those
circuits framed the question as whether a reasonable official could believe
turning plainly protected speech into a crime was constitutional, not whether
the official could squeeze the speech into some provision of the penal code.
Without reversal, the chill from the decision below will only spread wider, as
evergrowing criminal codes provide a grab bag of statutes officials can wield
against disfavored speech."

Start your day with Reason. Get a daily brief of the most important stories and
trends every weekday morning when you subscribe to Reason Roundup.

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NEXT: The Court Was Right To Overturn Harvey Weinstein's Rape Conviction

Jacob Sullum is a senior editor at Reason.

Police AbuseFirst AmendmentFree SpeechFree PressJournalismFourth AmendmentSearch
and SeizureStatutory InterpretationProsecutorsQualified
ImmunityAccountabilityTexasSupreme CourtFoundation for Individual Rights and
Expression
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