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Criminal Justice


DANIEL PERRY'S PARDON MAKES A MOCKERY OF SELF-DEFENSE


TEXAS GOV. GREG ABBOTT TAKES A TACTIC FROM THE PROGRESSIVE PROSECUTORS HE SAYS
HE OPPOSES.

Billy Binion | 5.17.2024 4:59 PM

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Daniel Perry enters court after he was convicted in 2023 of murdering Garrett
Foster in 2020 (YouTube)

That there are government officials who politicize the law is about as
foundational to the discourse as any complaint I can think of. The criticism is
sometimes quite fair. And for the latest example of a soft-on-crime politician
flouting law and order, we can look to Texas Gov. Greg Abbott.

Abbott, of course, is no self-styled progressive. But his recent decision to
pardon Daniel Perry, who was convicted last year of murdering Garrett Foster,
channels the spirit of the progressive prosecutors he criticizes for allegedly
refashioning the law to suit their ideological preferences. He just has
different targets.

The governor, who last year urged the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles to
recommend a pardon for Perry, doesn't see it that way. "Texas has one of the
strongest 'Stand Your Ground' laws of self-defense that cannot be nullified by a
jury or a progressive District Attorney," he wrote in a statement yesterday,
approving the pardon after the board officially obliged his request. (It's worth
noting that the board, whose members are appointed by the governor, circumvented
its own requirement that "evidence of actual innocence from at least two trial
officials, or the findings of fact and conclusions of law from the district
judge indicating actual innocence" be submitted to even consider such a pardon.)

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It is absolutely true that the right to self-defense is vital. And to argue that
Perry—who, prior to killing Foster at a 2020 Black Lives Matter protest, wrote
that he wanted to "shoot the [protesters] in the front and push the pedal to the
metal"—acted in self-defense is to make a total mockery of that right and those
who've had to exercise it.

It is also true that many district attorneys, some of them so-called
"progressive" prosecutors, appear to disdain that right. There are the cases
across New York City I've covered, for example, where prosecutors are
unconscionably seeking lengthy prison terms for people who acted in self-defense
but had the audacity to do so with an unlicensed gun. That includes the case of
Charles Foehner, an elderly man who shot a mugger in Queens, after which law
enforcement brought so many weapons charges against him that Foehner would go to
prison for life if convicted on all. That was in June 2023. In November, LaShawn
Craig of Brooklyn shot a masked man who'd entered his apartment. Though
prosecutors concede the shooting was in self-defense, they also charged him with
several weapons offenses, including criminal possession of a weapon, a violent
felony.

And then, most famously, there was Kyle Rittenhouse, whose 2021 prosecution for
murder polarized much of the nation, despite that, if you knew the facts, it was
an obvious example of self-defense—something I made very clear at the time.

There are some interesting parallels between Rittenhouse's case and Perry's case
that are hard to ignore. Both men used their guns at protests against police
brutality, many of which popped up across the U.S. in the summer of 2020. The
shootings happened exactly a month apart. Then their stories diverge
considerably, ending in an acquittal and a conviction, because the way they used
their firearms was quite different, despite the culture war backdrop being the
same. Both of these things can be true.



In July 2020, Perry ran a red light and drove into a crowd of protesters. That
in and of itself, of course, is not enough to deduce that he was looking for a
fight. His own statements prior to doing so, however, add a great deal of
helpful context and show his frame of mind at the time. "I might have to kill a
few people on my way to work they are rioting outside my apartment complex," he
wrote on social media on May 31, 2020. Also in May, he threatened to a friend
that he "might go to Dallas to shoot looters." And then in mid-June, he sent
that message about going to a protest, "shoot[ing] the ones in the front," and
then careening his car through the hubbub.

This was part of a pattern. Austin police detective William Bursley testified,
for instance, that Perry searched on Safari for "protesters in Seattle gets
shot," "riot shootouts," and "protests in Dallas live." It is not hard to
connect the dots between his searches and messages.

So what about that stand-your-ground defense Abbott alleges the jury nullified?
Core to Perry's case and trial was whether he reasonably feared for his life
that July evening. Foster indeed had a rifle on him—because open carry is legal
in Texas. The Second Amendment does not solely exist for people with
conservative views. The big question then: Was Foster pointing the gun at Perry
when he approached his vehicle? For the answer, we can go to Perry himself, who
told law enforcement that he was not. "I believe he was going to aim at me," he
said. "I didn't want to give him a chance to aim at me." But that is not a
self-defense justification, as Perry cannot claim clairvoyance.

That the jury reached the conclusion they did is not a mystery, nor is it an
outrage. What is outrageous, however, is that a governor who claims to care
about law and order has made clear that his support for crime victims is at
least in part conditional on having the "right" politics.

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NEXT: Are Poor Schools Underfunded? It's More Complex Than You'd Think.

Billy Binion is an associate editor at Reason.

Criminal JusticeCrimecrime victimsProsecutorsPardonsClemencyTexasGreg
AbbottPrisonsPrison sentenceGovernmentLaw & GovernmentState
GovernmentsSelf-DefenseSecond AmendmentStand Your GroundGunsGun
RightsProtestsPoliticsBlack Lives MatterProgressivesDallasSeattleCultureCulture
War
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