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NICOLE GELINAS
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INSIDE MAYOR ADAMS’ MIGRANT DEBIT CARD BOONDOGGLE — NO-BID BANK GETS $50
MILLION, BORDER CROSSERS UP TO $10,000 EACH
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Published Feb. 19, 2024, 6:11 p.m. ET
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THAT IMPORTANT
It takes money to make money, as the old saying goes, and apparently, it also
takes money — as much as $53 million — to give money away.
Earlier this month, The Post broke the story that Mayor Eric Adams is giving out
pre-paid cash cards to migrants.
Unusually for the mayor, Adams didn’t publicize this story himself, and his
administration for nearly a month has failed to correct
several public misperceptions about it.
One misperception is that the program allows the city to give out just $50
million to migrants.
No wonder the mayor has been reticent.
This debit card program — if you read the actual contract — has the potential to
become an open-ended, multibillion-dollar Bermuda Triangle of disappearing,
untraceable cash, used for any purpose.
It will give migrants up to $10,000 each in taxpayer money with no ID check, no
restrictions and no fraud control.
WHY GIVE OUT DEBIT CARDS?
When The Post exposed the mayor’s debit card program earlier this month, the
mayor’s office spun it as a money-saving program, to solve a problem: Migrants
staying in hotels don’t eat all their food.
5
The Adams administration will start handing out pre-paid debit cards to migrant
families. ZUMAPRESS.com / MEGA
DocGo, the city’s no-bid “emergency” contractor to provide migrants with three
meals a day, throws away up to 5,000 meals daily, wasting $7.2 million a year.
Some food is inedible — expired or rotten — and other food doesn’t meet
migrants’ dietary needs.
Providing mass-scale meals competently and with options for specific needs —
halal, kosher, vegan, non-gluten — isn’t that hard: The school system does it,
airlines do it, hospitals and jails do it.
It wouldn’t be that difficult for the city to solve this problem: On-site city
auditors could refuse to pay for meals that are objectively inedible, with
visible mold, for example, or with expired labeling.
SOLVING THE OLD BOONDOGGLE WITH A NEW BOONDOGGLE
SEE ALSO
NYC LAUNCHES $53M PROGRAM TO HAND OUT PRE-PAID CREDIT CARDS TO MIGRANT FAMILIES
Instead of assuring that its existing no-bid “emergency” contractor fulfills its
duty to provide edible food, however, the Adams administration has solved its
problem by retaining a new no-bid “emergency” contractor — to provide a service
with far more scope for waste, fraud and abuse than stale sandwiches: giving out
potentially billions of dollars of hard cash, few questions asked.
Which vendors did the city’s Housing Preservation & Development consider for
this contract, as qualified to provide this complex financial service?
New York City is home to hundreds of top-tier financial services and public
benefits providers, a dream of a competitive bidding pool, to ensure that the
city gets a good price, as well as strong protections against fraud and abuse.
But HPD considered only one: Newark-based Mobility Capital Finance, which also
has an office in Harlem.
MoCaFi was founded by Wole Coaxum, a former managing director at JPMorgan Chase,
who said the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014 inspired him to
serve the “underbanked” and “narrow the racial wealth gap.”
How did HPD choose Mobility Capital? The contract makes it quite clear: MoCaFi
was “referred to HPD by City Hall.”
What kind of experience did MoCaFi bring to this complex endeavor?
5
How much will Mobility Capital make from the contract?
5
Migrants outside the shelter at the Roosevelt Hotel on Feb. 9, 2024. Helayne
Seidman
None. As HPD helpfully notes, on a “listing of prior/related emergency large
contracts,” MoCaFi is “a new provider of emergency services for HPD.”
MoCaFi’s only city experience, HPD notes, is small-scale support of the city’s
participatory budget program.
The company’s broader nationwide experience is as a “platform” for pre-paid
third-party debit cards and bank accounts, marketed to minorities.
WHERE DID CITY HALL FIND MOCAFI?
The only clue is from a stray off-the-cuff comment Adams made at a
reception earlier this month, calling MoCaFi a minority business “that we met on
the campaign trail … Little did we know that God is going to say, ‘There’s going
to be a crisis, you’re going to have to meet them’ … And it’s going to cost us
money” to “put investment … in our community.”
SEE ALSO
‘TONS’ OF FOOD GETS TOSSED DAILY BY NYC HOTEL BECAUSE MIGRANTS WON’T EAT IT
A year ago, the Adams administration was already eager to find something for
MoCaFi to do.
Last year, the director of the mayor’s fund to advance New York City — a slush
fund powered by anonymous private donors — raised at one of the fund’s board
meetings the concept of “an upcoming partnership with the mayor’s office … and
MoCaFi … on a universal basic income project”: that is, giving poorer New
Yorkers (not migrants) cash.
Coaxum seems to have become part of the mayor’s orbit, and even provided a quote
to an official City Hall press release praising Adams’ founding of a new “Office
of Engagement.”
HOW MUCH CITY CASH WILL MOCAFI GIVE OUT — AND HOW MUCH WILL MOCAFI BE PAID?
Since doing its migrant deal with MoCaFi, Adams has been content to allow a
public misperception: that this program is small and focused, with 500 migrant
families at the Roosevelt Hotel receiving debit cards of about $1,000 a month,
allowing them to buy necessities at grocery and convenience stores.
As the mayor said in February in response to a press question, “We’re doing on a
pilot project with 500 people.”
It’s easy to conclude — and the mayor has not disabused anyone of this thought —
that that’s how this will all cost $53 million or thereabouts, the headline
figure reported in the press.
Nope. A thousand dollars a month for 500 families for a year — a good time frame
for a pilot — would cost $6 million.
The city could have written and signed a contract for about that amount — a
contract that allowed for a well-defined pilot program with such well-defined
costs, and a way to judge its results.
5
Migrants arriving at the shelter at Floyd Bennett Field in Brooklyn on Feb. 3,
2024. AFP via Getty Images
That’s not the contract the city signed — at all.
Most importantly, the $53 million headline figure is not the money that migrants
will receive during the pilot.
This is the number that the vendor, MoCaFi, potentially will receive as its fee
for services.
As the contract document clearly and explicitly states, over the year’s term,
“in exchange for [MoCaFi’s] … performance of the services, the city shall pay to
the contractor a total amount not to exceed $53 [million] … in accordance with
the scope of services and fees.”
That “scope of services” does not include the money that the migrants actually
receive on their debit cards.
The city funds the cards — that is, puts money on them — separately.
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In other words: For a maximum of $53 million, MoCaFi issues blank Mastercards,
in bulk.
That’s it.
And for the “service” provided, MoCaFi not only makes money from each card
distributed, but gets a 3% fee on the first $50 million the city puts on the
cards — that is, $1.5 million. That fee drops, but only slightly, after that
first $50 million.
It’s easy to work out how MoCaFi would get a $50 million or so fee, the maximum
allowed under the contract. After stripping out various fees the company gets
for printing up the blank cards and such, the city has purposely given itself
the flexibility to disburse at least $2.5 billion on these pre-paid debit cards
over a year.
FRAUD CONTROLS … WHAT FRAUD CONTROLS?
So, to sum up so far, the Adams administration, with no oversight, no
consultation with the city council, and no public discussion, has given itself
the flexibility to launch a massive parallel benefits program, alongside — not
replacing — traditional welfare cash assistance and (for New Yorkers legally in
the country long-term) federal food stamp benefits.
5
Here’s why Mobility Capital was chosen by the city for the program.
But those traditional programs, at least, come with reasonable, if not
fail-safe, fraud protections. People must prove eligibility for these programs,
including providing identification.
SNAP food stamp cards are not debit cards. They’re programmed only to pay for
specific food items.
Adams’ potential multibillion-dollar debit card program, by contrast, has no
such built-in protections.
As the contract with MoCaFi clearly notes, “cardholders will not be subject to
ID verification,” and “the city shall be responsible for the accurate delivery”
of cards to “consumers.”
And, “after delivery of [cards] to the city, the city shall be responsible for
the security of the [cards] until delivered … to the cardholders.”
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Under the contract, upon request by the city, MoCaFi will simply dump off
hundreds, or more, of blank debit cards with no one’s name on them, with unknown
amounts of money to be loaded on them — up to “$10,000 per card” at any one time
— by the city.
The city may even issue debit cards to children: “if [cards] are to be
distributed to any person under the age of 18 … the city … shall confirm that
the minor cardholder’s parent or guardian has consented to the minor’s
acceptance and use of the card.”
So, city employees and shelter contract workers are going to be in charge of
handing out cards to be loaded and regularly refilled with untraceable cash, to
people who have no forms of identity acceptable to the American financial
services system, under a program with no eligibility or verification policy.
SEE ALSO
50 CENT BLASTS MAYOR ADAMS PLAN TO GIVE PRE-PAID CREDIT CARDS TO MIGRANTS:
‘MAYBE TRUMP IS THE ANSWER’
What could go wrong?
To list one potential problem among many, gang members will know that people
staying in adjacent rooms, including vulnerable women and minor children, are in
possession of these debit cards.
And potential card recipients will quickly learn who is in a position to make
the decision of whether they can get a card.
Nor can the city ensure that recipients don’t spend the money on unauthorized
products, or simply withdraw the money in cash.
These are not SNAP cards; they are Mastercards. “Cardholders can pay for any
goods/services at any business merchant that accepts Mastercard,” the contract
reads — restrictions are optional.
Yes, the city can ask MoCaFi to activate or deactivate certain merchant or
spending codes.
But these restrictions are not built into the contract; they are at the city’s
changing discretion.
The city can even enable cardholder “consumers” to withdraw cash from the cards
at domestic and international ATMs. “ATM withdrawal amounts per day can be
restricted as required by the city,” the contract reads. “Should ATM access be
included as part of the program, card fees will be subject to the schedule
provided.”
2033
What do you think? Post a comment.
Why bother to lay out a fee structure for international ATM withdrawals, if the
city knows it will never allow such withdrawals? Under what possible
circumstance would the city need this flexibility built into a year-long pilot?
FICTION FROM FINE PRINT
As the mayor told radio host Gary Byrd earlier this month, “it’s important for
us to speak directly to you to separate the facts from fiction … Fact from
fiction is the migrant cards that we gave out to migrants to purchase food. Just
some quick bullets that you need to know about these cards. They are not
American Express gold cards, folks. This is a pilot project we’re doing with 500
migrants.”
The fiction is in what the mayor says.
The fact is in the contract documents.
The city has given itself the full contractual and technical authority, under a
supposed “emergency,” to disburse billions of dollars in cash to unidentifiable
people who otherwise are not eligible to access the American financial system,
in untraceable global cash.
Nicole Gelinas is a contributing editor to the Manhattan Institute’s City
Journal.
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Filed under
* borders
* city hall
* debt
* eric adams
* illegal immigrants
* migrants
* 2/19/24
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I DROVE EIGHT HOURS TO MY CO-WORKER'S WEDDING ONLY TO BE TURNED AWAY AT THE
RECEPTION FOR THIS INFURIATING REASON
The Adams administration will start handing out pre-paid debit cards to migrant
families. ZUMAPRESS.com / MEGA
How much will Mobility Capital make from the contract?
Migrants outside the shelter at the Roosevelt Hotel on Feb. 9, 2024. Helayne
Seidman
Migrants arriving at the shelter at Floyd Bennett Field in Brooklyn on Feb. 3,
2024. AFP via Getty Images
Here's why Mobility Capital was chosen by the city for the program.
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