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The Daily|The New Abortion Fight Before the Supreme Court

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transcript


THE NEW ABORTION FIGHT BEFORE THE SUPREME COURT

THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION IS ARGUING THAT IDAHO’S NEAR-TOTAL ABORTION BAN
VIOLATES A FEDERAL LAW ON EMERGENCY TREATMENT.

2024-05-01T06:00:05-04:00

This transcript was created using speech recognition software. While it has been
reviewed by human transcribers, it may contain errors. Please review the episode
audio before quoting from this transcript and email transcripts@nytimes.com with
any questions.

sabrina tavernise

From “The New York Times,” I’m Sabrina Tavernise. And this is “The Daily.”

[MUSIC PLAYING]

As the presidential race moves into high gear, abortion is at the center of it.
Republican-controlled states continue to impose new bans, including just this
week in Florida. But in Washington, the Biden administration is fighting back,
challenging one of those bands in a case that is now before the Supreme Court.
Today, my colleagues, Pam Belluck and Abbie VanSickle explain.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

It’s Wednesday, May 1st.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

So, Pam, in the two years since Roe v. Wade was overturned, more than a dozen
states have instituted pretty strict bans. But as all of these bans are
happening at the state level, something is happening at the federal level. And
that is the Biden administration is fighting back in a kind of unusual way. And
that effort came to the Supreme Court last week. Tell me about it.

pam belluck

Yeah so the case that went before the Supreme Court last week is basically a
fight between the state of Idaho and the Biden administration over whether
Idaho’s abortion ban violates a federal law that’s been on the books for
decades. And if it does, then does Idaho have to change its abortion ban?

And this case really gets at a bigger question about whether there are still
ways that the federal government can limit states’ ability to ban or restrict
abortion. Dobbs eliminated the constitutional right to abortion, right. It said
that there’s no guarantee anywhere in the country that people have a right to
abortion access, and that states can make their own laws around abortion. But it
didn’t completely eliminate any other way that federal government, laws, or
regulations interact with abortion.

sabrina tavernise

Right.

pam belluck

So that left the Biden administration looking around to try to figure out what,
if anything, the federal government could do to weigh in on abortion. And it
turned out that there were really very few tools left to the federal government.
But it does find this one federal law from 40 years ago. And the law really has
nothing to do with abortion. It doesn’t mention abortion. It is all about
emergency room medical care.

But the Biden administration thinks that it has found a way to use this law to
fight some of the strictest abortion bans that states like Idaho are putting
into play.

sabrina tavernise

Interesting. So the Biden administration is kind of rummaging around in its back
closet, right, looking for ways to protect abortion rights. There’s nothing
really there. But it finds this kind of old dress, this law you’re talking
about. Tell me about this law.

pam belluck

Right. So this is the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act. As an
abbreviation, it’s referred to as EMTALA. And EMTALA was passed to try to fix a
problem that was getting increasingly widespread in the country in the 1980s.
And what was happening was a problem called patient dumping.

What this meant was that mostly private hospitals, if a patient showed up to
their emergency room and the patient didn’t have insurance or couldn’t otherwise
pay, these private hospitals were closing their doors to these patients. And
they were sending them to public hospitals, county hospitals. And there were
these horrific examples of people who were showing up in emergency rooms at
public hospitals, having been kicked out of the private hospital with stab
wounds and gunshot wounds.

I mean, there was one case in Texas where a man with third-degree burns stumbled
into a county hospital with a catheter and an IV line that had been inserted by
the private hospital that had kicked him out.

sabrina tavernise

My God.

pam belluck

And this was creating a lot of public alarm and getting a lot of attention. And
some of the cases involved pregnant women in labor. And these private hospitals
were turning them away before their babies could be born. And one example in
Texas, this woman went to a private hospital. And when she told them that her
husband had just lost his job, they pushed her legs together, started an IV
line, and sent her over to this county hospital.

And she was crowning, according to the doctor who was at the hospital. And the
baby was just coming any minute. She delivered in the hallway of the hospital.

sabrina tavernise

So this is a serious public problem.

pam belluck

Yeah. And Congress is under pressure to take action to try to prevent this. And
so in 1986, they enact EMTALA, this federal law, which really was landmark. It
was really kind of groundbreaking. And basically, what this law does is it says,
emergency rooms in hospitals that receive Medicare funding, which is almost all
hospitals in the country, have to treat any patient that shows up with any
emergency medical condition. It requires emergency rooms to stabilize the
patient.

They have to give at least a basic standard of treatment to make sure that their
health doesn’t get worse, that their condition doesn’t deteriorate. And if they
can’t do that, they don’t have the ability to do that, they have to transfer the
patient to a hospital that can. And it crucially does not matter if they can’t
pay for it or if they have no insurance.

sabrina tavernise

But where does abortion come into this? We’re obviously talking about this in
the context of an abortion fight, right? I mean, from what you’re saying, it
sounds like this law really had to do with women who were coming in trying to
deliver babies, not women who were coming in, trying to have abortions to get
rid of babies.

pam belluck

Exactly. I mean, abortion is not mentioned in EMTALA. And it was not really
something that even came up in the passage of the law. The law was really
addressing these horror stories of women in labor being turned away from
hospital emergency rooms. But the law does include this two-word phrase that
decades later becomes part of the abortion debate. And that phrase is “unborn
child.”

Now, at the time, that phrase shows up very much in this context that we’ve been
talking about, of women who are about to deliver a baby. So abortion is not
mentioned in this law at all. And it wasn’t even really in the background of —
at the time when it was passed. After EMTALA is passed, it has been used over
the last four decades to basically try to ensure that patients with all kinds of
conditions don’t get turned away from emergency rooms.

And it doesn’t come into the abortion debate until nearly four decades later
when the Biden administration decides that it can use this law to try to at
least open some cracks into these very rigid state abortion bans.

sabrina tavernise

So you brought us back to the beginning where we started this conversation,
which is this current case, Idaho versus the Biden administration. So how did
that fight actually break out?

pam belluck

Yeah. So after Roe v. Wade was overturned, a number of states, including Idaho,
put into place near-total abortion bans. Idaho’s ban has very limited exceptions
for abortion. And one of the only times abortion is allowed is to keep a
pregnant woman from dying. But the Biden administration issues a memo. And it
says, hey, hospitals, hey, states. We’re just reminding you the interpretation
of EMTALA applies to women who come to emergency rooms and need emergency
abortions.

So what the Biden administration is saying is this federal law says, preventing
death is not the only reason that emergency rooms have to treat people. They
also have to prevent people’s health situation from getting worse, because there
are many situations where a woman is bleeding severely, or she has a severe
infection, but maybe she’s not about to die. And so there’s a pretty wide Gulf
between situations where a pregnant woman might need an abortion to save her
life and when she might need an abortion to protect her health.

sabrina tavernise

So the Biden administration is saying, look, this federal law requires that you
protect not just the woman’s life, but also the woman’s health, which, of
course, brings it into direct conflict with Idaho’s ban, right?

pam belluck

Exactly. And what the Biden administration is going after here is something much
broader, something that goes beyond emergency room care. What they’re targeting
here is the concept in Idaho’s ban that you can’t intervene except to save the
life of the mother. And by pointing to EMTALA and saying this law requires you
to intervene to protect a patient’s health, they want to force states with these
strict bans to acknowledge and allow abortions in a number of these cases of
pregnancy complications that happen. And by doing that, it really wants to also
create a crack in the foundation of these abortion bans.

sabrina tavernise

Got it. So that’s the crack in the foundation that you’re talking about. It’s
not just about this narrow demographic of women who would be in this situation,
but it gives them legally, potentially, a path to do something bigger.

pam belluck

And the Biden administration actually decides to be very aggressive with this
EMTALA law. And so very soon after Roe v. Wade is overturned, the Biden
administration sues Idaho and says, your abortion ban is violating this federal
law and your abortion ban cannot stand.

sabrina tavernise

And Pam, what does Idaho say in response? What’s its argument here?

pam belluck

So Idaho says it is not violating EMTALA. And it accuses the Biden
administration of wanting to turn emergency rooms into abortion clinics and
wanting to force Idaho doctors to provide abortions against Idaho’s law. And
this is also where that phrase, “unborn child,” comes up.

Idaho is picking up on that language in EMTALA. And it’s saying that because the
federal law mentions unborn child, that that means you have two patients to
consider when a pregnant woman goes to an emergency room. And if you’re doing an
abortion, then you’re, in their view, killing one of those two patients. And
that’s why they are outlawing the ability to do that.

sabrina tavernise

So in other words, this law from 1986 is really being used by both sides through
the lens of 2024, both by the Biden administration, who is saying, it says that
abortions need to be provided in emergency rooms, and by Idaho saying, no, not
so fast, the unborn child has equal protection here because that’s in the law.

pam belluck

Right. So you have both sides using this 40-year-old law that really had nothing
to do with abortion when it was passed, and they’re trying to cast it in a light
that serves their side of the abortion debate. And so this case ends up in the
Supreme Court. And it’s important to note that this fight isn’t just between
Idaho and the Biden administration. There are about half a dozen states that
have strict abortion bans like Idaho’s, including Texas, which has been
embroiled in a lawsuit over EMTALA with the Biden administration also.

So whatever the Supreme Court rules in this case is going to have implications
across the country. And it’s going to help shape what states can do if they want
to ban or restrict abortion.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

sabrina tavernise

After the break, my colleague, Supreme Court Reporter Abbie VanSickle on the
oral arguments.

We’ll be right back.

So, Abbie, our colleague, Pam Belluck, just walked us through how this very
unusual Idaho abortion case got to the Supreme Court. You covered the oral
arguments last week. How did they go?

abbie vansickle

So a lot of the oral argument really focused on a question about how far states
can go when they are crafting their own abortion laws. And the backdrop of this
is that there’s part of the Constitution that deals with this question of what
happens when a state law and a federal law are in conflict. And it’s called
preemption.

And the general principle is that when a state and federal law collide, if
they’re in conflict with each other, that the federal law wins. And so the
argument in this case really focused in on whether the Idaho abortion law
directly conflicted with the federal EMTALA law or not.

archived recording

We will hear argument this morning in case 23-726.

abbie vansickle

And the argument started out with the lawyer for Idaho, Joshua Turner.

archived recording

Mr. Turner.

archived recording (joshua turner)

Thank you, Mr. Chief Justice, and may it please the Court. When Congress amended
the Medicare Act in 1986, it put EMTALA on a centuries-old foundation of state
law.

abbie vansickle

And Turner says that he does not see a direct conflict between Idaho’s abortion
law and the federal law.

archived recording (joshua turner)

Nothing in EMTALA requires doctors to ignore the scope of their license and
offer medical treatments that violate state law.

abbie vansickle

He argues that, in Idaho, if a woman’s life is in danger, that there are
exceptions that allow abortions and that there’s flexibility for doctors to use
good faith judgment. And he’s saying that Idaho is satisfying the federal laws
requirement to provide women with stabilizing care.

archived recording (joshua turner)

The court should reject the administration’s unlimited reading of EMTALA and
reverse the district court’s judgment. I welcome the court’s questions.

sabrina tavernise

In other words, nothing to see here. Our ban gives exceptions if the woman’s
life is at risk. And that is in full compliance with this federal law, this
EMTALA that mandates care, right? So how do the justices respond to this
argument Turner’s making?

abbie vansickle

So when the lawyer for Idaho started making that argument, a group of justices
right away seemed skeptical. And those were the liberal justices.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Counsel, the problem we’re having right now is that you’re sort of putting
preemption on its head.

abbie vansickle

Justice Sonia Sotomayor jumped in pretty quickly to say, what do you mean that
there’s not a conflict between Idaho’s abortion law and federal law?

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Idaho law says the doctor has to determine, not that there’s merely a serious
medical condition, but that the person will die. That’s a huge difference,
Counsel.

abbie vansickle

And to kind of bring this down to earth —

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Answer the following question, and these are hypotheticals that are true.

abbie vansickle

— Justice Sotomayor starts with these hypotheticals of cases. And she explains
that they’re pulled from real life examples when delaying an abortion until a
woman was close to death had permanent effects on the woman’s health.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Imagine a patient who goes to ER with preprompt 14 weeks.

abbie vansickle

She gets one example where there’s a patient whose water broke at 14 weeks in
the pregnancy.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

She was in and out of the hospital up to 27 weeks. The baby died. She had a
hysterectomy, and she can no longer have children.

abbie vansickle

And she said that delaying an abortion caused this woman to lose her fertility.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

All right, you’re telling me the doctor there couldn’t have done the abortion
earlier.

abbie vansickle

And Justice Sotomayor asks, would Idaho’s abortion ban allow abortions in this
kind of situation when a woman’s health is gravely affected, even though she
didn’t die? And Idaho’s lawyer responds that it’s up to the doctor.

archived recording (joshua turner)

Again, it goes back to whether a doctor can, in good faith, medical judgment —

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

That’s a lot for the doctor to risk.

abbie vansickle

And that this is case by case.

archived recording (joshua turner)

The examples —

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

That’s the problem —

archived recording (amy coney barrett)

I’m kind of shocked, actually, because I thought your own expert had said below
that these kinds of cases were covered, and you’re now saying they’re not?

abbie vansickle

And as this exchange is going on, another justice jumps in, which is a bit of a
surprise, because it’s Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who is one of the court’s
conservatives. And she jumps in and says —

archived recording (amy coney barrett)

Well, you’re hedging. I mean, Justice Sotomayor is asking you, would this be
covered or not? And it was my understanding that the legislature’s witnesses
said that these would be covered.

abbie vansickle

Wait a second, in the record in the documents leading up to this case, she
thought that Idaho was arguing that those kind of examples, the kind of example
where a woman needs an abortion or she has to have a hysterectomy, these sort of
really extreme loss of organs and loss of future fertility. She says, I thought
all of that was covered.

sabrina tavernise

She’s essentially looking at these medical scenarios and saying, hold on a
second, wait, there’s a question here about whether that would be legal and kind
of scratching her head, which is interesting and unusual given that she’s a
conservative who’s pretty skeptical usually of arguments in favor of abortion
rights.

abbie vansickle

That’s right. And, of course, we can only observe what she said and try to
figure it out. But she might have found herself more in an alliance with the
liberal justices, which not only would be surprising, given her sort of
positions and her past record on abortion, but also could potentially set up a
gender split on the Supreme Court in an abortion case, which would be pretty
stunning.

sabrina tavernise

OK. So interesting kind of gender divide forming here. What do the men on the
conservative side of the court say?

abbie vansickle

So the men on the court, the conservative justices, they jumped in pretty
quickly after that. And Justice Kavanaugh comes in.

archived recording (brett kavanaugh)

Just want to focus on the actual dispute as it exists now today.

abbie vansickle

And he’s kind of suggesting that the justices turn away from the hypotheticals
and focus back on what it actually says in the legal documents that were filed
by each side before the oral argument.

archived recording (joshua turner)

You have said, in your brief at least, that each of the conditions identified by
the government, actually, Idaho law allows an emergency abortion.

abbie vansickle

And Justice Kavanaugh says that the federal government, in their briefs, listed
all these specific conditions where a woman should be provided access to an
abortion under the federal EMTALA law. And based on Idaho’s own legal filings,
he says, the state says it would allow exceptions for abortions. In these same
types of situations.

archived recording (joshua turner)

You’re the one who said it in your reply brief that there’s actually no real
daylight here in terms of the conditions. So I’m just picking up on what you all
said.

sabrina tavernise

So in other words, the conservative justices are really kind of responding in
the way that we would expect them to. They’re sympathetic to Idaho’s argument.
They’re saying that law is flexible enough to comply with EMTALA.

abbie vansickle

That’s right.

Thank you, counsel.

And so that sort wrapped up the first part of the argument. And the next person
up to the podium was the lawyer arguing for the federal government.

archived recording

General Prelogar.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

Mr. Chief Justice, and may it please the court.

sabrina tavernise

So what did the federal government Solicitor General argue? What was her case?

abbie vansickle

So Elizabeth Prelogar, who — she’s actually from Idaho.

sabrina tavernise

Oh, right. Yes.

abbie vansickle

And she argues before the court all the time. And she started out by bringing
the argument back to this idea that the liberal justices were really focused on
before.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

No one who comes to an emergency room in need of urgent treatment should be
denied necessary stabilizing care —

abbie vansickle

Which is the federal government’s view that there is a profound gap between what
EMTALA requires and what is in the Idaho abortion law.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

The situation on the ground in Idaho is showing the devastating consequences of
that gap.

abbie vansickle

And she points to the real-life consequences of this.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

One hospital system in Idaho says that right now, it’s having to transfer
pregnant women in medical crisis out of the state about once every other week.
That’s untenable. And EMTALA does not countenance it.

abbie vansickle

And the Solicitor General is saying that this is gotten to the point where every
other week Idaho hospitals are airlifting women to hospitals in other states to
provide abortion care.

sabrina tavernise

Airlifted out of state. And is that true?

abbie vansickle

Yes. So there’s been local reporting in Idaho that since this abortion law has
gone into effect, which has just been a number of months, that six women have
been airlifted to other states. So Justice Kagan pushes on that.

archived recording (elena kagan)

It’s become transfer is the appropriate standard of care in Idaho, but it can’t
be the right standard of care to force somebody onto a helicopter.

abbie vansickle

She says that it just doesn’t seem to make sense, that the right standard of
care is to put a pregnant woman on a helicopter to another state.

archived recording

Justice Alito.

abbie vansickle

But one of the most interesting things that happens in the interaction with the
Solicitor General is actually that Justice Alito jumps in. And he sort of takes
the conversation in a totally new direction.

archived recording (samuel alito)

We’ve now heard, let’s see, an hour and a half of argument on this case. And one
potentially very important phrase in EMTALA has hardly been mentioned, and that
is EMTALA’s reference to the woman’s, quote unquote, “unborn child.” Isn’t that
an odd phrase to put in a statute that imposes a mandate to perform abortions?
Have you ever seen an abortion statute that uses the phrase unborn child?

abbie vansickle

And he says, isn’t it strange that this federal law that you are arguing to
require abortions includes language that would typically be used by people who
are against abortion?

archived recording (samuel alito)

And it seems that the plain meaning is that the hospital must try to eliminate
any immediate threat to the child. But performing an abortion is antithetical to
that duty.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

It’s not an odd phrase when you look at what Congress was doing in 1989.

abbie vansickle

And the Solicitor General responds by saying, let’s look at back to what this
law actually meant and what it was designed to address in the 1980s. And she
explains how when this law went into effect, not only would a woman potentially
be dumped from one emergency room if she couldn’t pay, but that if a woman came
in and the medical problem was actually with the fetus, that she also might be
dumped.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

Congress wanted to expand the protection for pregnant women so that they could
get the same duties to screen and stabilize when they have a condition that’s
threatening the health and well-being of the unborn child.

abbie vansickle

And she says that’s actually why the language is there, that it’s not
anti-abortion code.

sabrina tavernise

So what’s Alito really up to here? I mean, clearly, this idea of unborn child,
it’s very important in the anti-abortion movement. It’s essentially linked to
this idea of personhood, and that the fetus is actually a person that should be
protected. But that’s not really what this case hinges on. So what’s he doing?

abbie vansickle

We, again, can’t get inside Justice Alito’s head. But in the lead up to these
arguments, there had been sort of speculation about whether the idea of fetal
personhood would make an appearance. It’s not the focus of the legal arguments
here. But if you look back to the Dobbs case, that case also was not a fetal
personhood case, but that language made its way into his opinion. He wrote the
majority opinion for the court.

And so I think it’ll be interesting once a decision comes out, whichever way it
goes with this court, whether the language of fetal personhood makes its way
into the court’s decision in some way. And that is important, because it’s the
Supreme Court. And the language that they use then gets cited by courts and
judges all over the country.

And right now, fetal personhood is not the accepted mainstream in the legal
world. But language like that from the Supreme Court, it could be cited in cases
around the country.

sabrina tavernise

Interesting. So even though the case isn’t actually about that, Alito can just
kind of sprinkle it through, and it could be cited later as evidence that the
Supreme Court is actually elevating this and talking about this.

abbie vansickle

Yeah, that’s a possibility. And it’s definitely something people will be
watching out for when the court makes its decision in the case later this year.

archived recording

Thank you, counsel. The case is submitted.

sabrina tavernise

So, Abbie, do you have a sense after this very interesting set of arguments
here, how the justices will rule?

abbie vansickle

You know, we’re in a bit of uncharted waters here. It’s hard to say how the
court is going to come out in this case. I think Justice Barrett jumping in to
say that she was shocked by some of the arguments being made by Idaho raised
some questions about whether she could potentially align herself with the other
women justices who are all liberals.

But a majority of the conservative justices did seem to be sympathetic to
Idaho’s arguments. It could be a case that comes down to Justice Barrett and the
Chief Justice, who was actually pretty quiet during arguments. And, you know, I
wouldn’t say that it was clear how he was going to come down on this.

And I think that’s something that’s important about this case is that it’s
likely to give us a substantive, real window into how the justices now
post-Dobbs are thinking about abortion and how it’s playing out in all these
different ways in states throughout the country.

sabrina tavernise

Abbie, I guess I’m thinking, whatever the outcome is, there’s something else
that’s happening here. And I’m thinking here about the timing, right. The ruling
will come just as the presidential campaign really heats up in the end of June.
And we know that very strict abortion bans don’t play very well to the
mainstream American voters. So if this ruling does go for Idaho, it would draw
lines around abortion access that are even more restrictive than many states
have at such a political moment.

abbie vansickle

I think it’s certainly fair to say that this decision will be closely watched,
and that it also could draw the court into the politics of abortion. And one of
the things that I just can’t help but think is that when the court made its
decision in Dobbs to overturn Roe v. Wade, that Justice Alito made a point of
saying that the court was getting out of the business of abortion, that this was
something that would be left to the states.

And now the court, as we’ve seen in this case, is wrestling with very sort of
granule hypotheticals about the different emergencies that could come up and
when is this OK and when is this not OK. And they are still very much in the
weeds of abortion.

sabrina tavernise

So, so much for the Supreme Court being done with abortion cases. It’s right
back there smack dab in the middle of one of the most contentious issues in
American life.

abbie vansickle

That’s right. It certainly is. And so it’s hard not to think about the court’s
putting itself again in the middle of this fierce debate, in the middle of a
huge political fight.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

sabrina tavernise

Abbie, thank you.

abbie vansickle

Thanks so much for having me.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

sabrina tavernise

We’ll be right back.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

Here’s what else you need to know today.

archived recording

We can see different cohorts of NYPD officers. One is going across Butler Lawns
towards Hamilton Hall. The other one is —

sabrina tavernise

On Tuesday, tensions over pro-Palestinian protests continued to escalate on
university campuses across the country. At Columbia University in New York,
hundreds of police officers in riot gear began arresting demonstrators on
Tuesday night, about 20 hours after protesters had occupied a campus building.

archived recording

They’re entering the encampment now. I mean, I know we’ve reported on this
before. There’s about a crowd of, I’d say, 30 or 40 police officers with batons
and zip ties right outside the Gaza solidarity encampment right now.

sabrina tavernise

The Columbia University student radio station reported that police used tear gas
to disperse people, and that at least one person was lying on the ground
unconscious during the raid. Earlier in the day, the University closed the
campus to everybody but students who live there and said it would move to expel
students who had occupied the building.

In Oregon, Portland State University closed its campus after students there
broke into its library. Police officers made scores of new arrests at
universities in California, Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia. More than
1,000 protesters have been taken into custody on UC campuses since the original
roundup at Columbia on April 18.

Today’s episode was produced by Stella Tan, Alex Stern, and Jessica Cheung. It
was edited by MJ Davis Lin, contains original music by Marion Lozano, and was
engineered by Chris Wood. Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk
of Wonderly.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

That’s it for “The Daily.” I’m Sabrina Tavernise. See you tomorrow.


The DailySubscribe:
 * Apple Podcasts
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May 1, 2024


THE NEW ABORTION FIGHT BEFORE THE SUPREME COURT


THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION IS ARGUING THAT IDAHO’S NEAR-TOTAL ABORTION BAN
VIOLATES A FEDERAL LAW ON EMERGENCY TREATMENT.

Transcript
transcript

Back to The Daily
bars
0:00/35:16
-0:00

transcript


THE NEW ABORTION FIGHT BEFORE THE SUPREME COURT

THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION IS ARGUING THAT IDAHO’S NEAR-TOTAL ABORTION BAN
VIOLATES A FEDERAL LAW ON EMERGENCY TREATMENT.

2024-05-01T06:00:05-04:00

This transcript was created using speech recognition software. While it has been
reviewed by human transcribers, it may contain errors. Please review the episode
audio before quoting from this transcript and email transcripts@nytimes.com with
any questions.

sabrina tavernise

From “The New York Times,” I’m Sabrina Tavernise. And this is “The Daily.”

[MUSIC PLAYING]

As the presidential race moves into high gear, abortion is at the center of it.
Republican-controlled states continue to impose new bans, including just this
week in Florida. But in Washington, the Biden administration is fighting back,
challenging one of those bands in a case that is now before the Supreme Court.
Today, my colleagues, Pam Belluck and Abbie VanSickle explain.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

It’s Wednesday, May 1st.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

So, Pam, in the two years since Roe v. Wade was overturned, more than a dozen
states have instituted pretty strict bans. But as all of these bans are
happening at the state level, something is happening at the federal level. And
that is the Biden administration is fighting back in a kind of unusual way. And
that effort came to the Supreme Court last week. Tell me about it.

pam belluck

Yeah so the case that went before the Supreme Court last week is basically a
fight between the state of Idaho and the Biden administration over whether
Idaho’s abortion ban violates a federal law that’s been on the books for
decades. And if it does, then does Idaho have to change its abortion ban?

And this case really gets at a bigger question about whether there are still
ways that the federal government can limit states’ ability to ban or restrict
abortion. Dobbs eliminated the constitutional right to abortion, right. It said
that there’s no guarantee anywhere in the country that people have a right to
abortion access, and that states can make their own laws around abortion. But it
didn’t completely eliminate any other way that federal government, laws, or
regulations interact with abortion.

sabrina tavernise

Right.

pam belluck

So that left the Biden administration looking around to try to figure out what,
if anything, the federal government could do to weigh in on abortion. And it
turned out that there were really very few tools left to the federal government.
But it does find this one federal law from 40 years ago. And the law really has
nothing to do with abortion. It doesn’t mention abortion. It is all about
emergency room medical care.

But the Biden administration thinks that it has found a way to use this law to
fight some of the strictest abortion bans that states like Idaho are putting
into play.

sabrina tavernise

Interesting. So the Biden administration is kind of rummaging around in its back
closet, right, looking for ways to protect abortion rights. There’s nothing
really there. But it finds this kind of old dress, this law you’re talking
about. Tell me about this law.

pam belluck

Right. So this is the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act. As an
abbreviation, it’s referred to as EMTALA. And EMTALA was passed to try to fix a
problem that was getting increasingly widespread in the country in the 1980s.
And what was happening was a problem called patient dumping.

What this meant was that mostly private hospitals, if a patient showed up to
their emergency room and the patient didn’t have insurance or couldn’t otherwise
pay, these private hospitals were closing their doors to these patients. And
they were sending them to public hospitals, county hospitals. And there were
these horrific examples of people who were showing up in emergency rooms at
public hospitals, having been kicked out of the private hospital with stab
wounds and gunshot wounds.

I mean, there was one case in Texas where a man with third-degree burns stumbled
into a county hospital with a catheter and an IV line that had been inserted by
the private hospital that had kicked him out.

sabrina tavernise

My God.

pam belluck

And this was creating a lot of public alarm and getting a lot of attention. And
some of the cases involved pregnant women in labor. And these private hospitals
were turning them away before their babies could be born. And one example in
Texas, this woman went to a private hospital. And when she told them that her
husband had just lost his job, they pushed her legs together, started an IV
line, and sent her over to this county hospital.

And she was crowning, according to the doctor who was at the hospital. And the
baby was just coming any minute. She delivered in the hallway of the hospital.

sabrina tavernise

So this is a serious public problem.

pam belluck

Yeah. And Congress is under pressure to take action to try to prevent this. And
so in 1986, they enact EMTALA, this federal law, which really was landmark. It
was really kind of groundbreaking. And basically, what this law does is it says,
emergency rooms in hospitals that receive Medicare funding, which is almost all
hospitals in the country, have to treat any patient that shows up with any
emergency medical condition. It requires emergency rooms to stabilize the
patient.

They have to give at least a basic standard of treatment to make sure that their
health doesn’t get worse, that their condition doesn’t deteriorate. And if they
can’t do that, they don’t have the ability to do that, they have to transfer the
patient to a hospital that can. And it crucially does not matter if they can’t
pay for it or if they have no insurance.

sabrina tavernise

But where does abortion come into this? We’re obviously talking about this in
the context of an abortion fight, right? I mean, from what you’re saying, it
sounds like this law really had to do with women who were coming in trying to
deliver babies, not women who were coming in, trying to have abortions to get
rid of babies.

pam belluck

Exactly. I mean, abortion is not mentioned in EMTALA. And it was not really
something that even came up in the passage of the law. The law was really
addressing these horror stories of women in labor being turned away from
hospital emergency rooms. But the law does include this two-word phrase that
decades later becomes part of the abortion debate. And that phrase is “unborn
child.”

Now, at the time, that phrase shows up very much in this context that we’ve been
talking about, of women who are about to deliver a baby. So abortion is not
mentioned in this law at all. And it wasn’t even really in the background of —
at the time when it was passed. After EMTALA is passed, it has been used over
the last four decades to basically try to ensure that patients with all kinds of
conditions don’t get turned away from emergency rooms.

And it doesn’t come into the abortion debate until nearly four decades later
when the Biden administration decides that it can use this law to try to at
least open some cracks into these very rigid state abortion bans.

sabrina tavernise

So you brought us back to the beginning where we started this conversation,
which is this current case, Idaho versus the Biden administration. So how did
that fight actually break out?

pam belluck

Yeah. So after Roe v. Wade was overturned, a number of states, including Idaho,
put into place near-total abortion bans. Idaho’s ban has very limited exceptions
for abortion. And one of the only times abortion is allowed is to keep a
pregnant woman from dying. But the Biden administration issues a memo. And it
says, hey, hospitals, hey, states. We’re just reminding you the interpretation
of EMTALA applies to women who come to emergency rooms and need emergency
abortions.

So what the Biden administration is saying is this federal law says, preventing
death is not the only reason that emergency rooms have to treat people. They
also have to prevent people’s health situation from getting worse, because there
are many situations where a woman is bleeding severely, or she has a severe
infection, but maybe she’s not about to die. And so there’s a pretty wide Gulf
between situations where a pregnant woman might need an abortion to save her
life and when she might need an abortion to protect her health.

sabrina tavernise

So the Biden administration is saying, look, this federal law requires that you
protect not just the woman’s life, but also the woman’s health, which, of
course, brings it into direct conflict with Idaho’s ban, right?

pam belluck

Exactly. And what the Biden administration is going after here is something much
broader, something that goes beyond emergency room care. What they’re targeting
here is the concept in Idaho’s ban that you can’t intervene except to save the
life of the mother. And by pointing to EMTALA and saying this law requires you
to intervene to protect a patient’s health, they want to force states with these
strict bans to acknowledge and allow abortions in a number of these cases of
pregnancy complications that happen. And by doing that, it really wants to also
create a crack in the foundation of these abortion bans.

sabrina tavernise

Got it. So that’s the crack in the foundation that you’re talking about. It’s
not just about this narrow demographic of women who would be in this situation,
but it gives them legally, potentially, a path to do something bigger.

pam belluck

And the Biden administration actually decides to be very aggressive with this
EMTALA law. And so very soon after Roe v. Wade is overturned, the Biden
administration sues Idaho and says, your abortion ban is violating this federal
law and your abortion ban cannot stand.

sabrina tavernise

And Pam, what does Idaho say in response? What’s its argument here?

pam belluck

So Idaho says it is not violating EMTALA. And it accuses the Biden
administration of wanting to turn emergency rooms into abortion clinics and
wanting to force Idaho doctors to provide abortions against Idaho’s law. And
this is also where that phrase, “unborn child,” comes up.

Idaho is picking up on that language in EMTALA. And it’s saying that because the
federal law mentions unborn child, that that means you have two patients to
consider when a pregnant woman goes to an emergency room. And if you’re doing an
abortion, then you’re, in their view, killing one of those two patients. And
that’s why they are outlawing the ability to do that.

sabrina tavernise

So in other words, this law from 1986 is really being used by both sides through
the lens of 2024, both by the Biden administration, who is saying, it says that
abortions need to be provided in emergency rooms, and by Idaho saying, no, not
so fast, the unborn child has equal protection here because that’s in the law.

pam belluck

Right. So you have both sides using this 40-year-old law that really had nothing
to do with abortion when it was passed, and they’re trying to cast it in a light
that serves their side of the abortion debate. And so this case ends up in the
Supreme Court. And it’s important to note that this fight isn’t just between
Idaho and the Biden administration. There are about half a dozen states that
have strict abortion bans like Idaho’s, including Texas, which has been
embroiled in a lawsuit over EMTALA with the Biden administration also.

So whatever the Supreme Court rules in this case is going to have implications
across the country. And it’s going to help shape what states can do if they want
to ban or restrict abortion.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

sabrina tavernise

After the break, my colleague, Supreme Court Reporter Abbie VanSickle on the
oral arguments.

We’ll be right back.

So, Abbie, our colleague, Pam Belluck, just walked us through how this very
unusual Idaho abortion case got to the Supreme Court. You covered the oral
arguments last week. How did they go?

abbie vansickle

So a lot of the oral argument really focused on a question about how far states
can go when they are crafting their own abortion laws. And the backdrop of this
is that there’s part of the Constitution that deals with this question of what
happens when a state law and a federal law are in conflict. And it’s called
preemption.

And the general principle is that when a state and federal law collide, if
they’re in conflict with each other, that the federal law wins. And so the
argument in this case really focused in on whether the Idaho abortion law
directly conflicted with the federal EMTALA law or not.

archived recording

We will hear argument this morning in case 23-726.

abbie vansickle

And the argument started out with the lawyer for Idaho, Joshua Turner.

archived recording

Mr. Turner.

archived recording (joshua turner)

Thank you, Mr. Chief Justice, and may it please the Court. When Congress amended
the Medicare Act in 1986, it put EMTALA on a centuries-old foundation of state
law.

abbie vansickle

And Turner says that he does not see a direct conflict between Idaho’s abortion
law and the federal law.

archived recording (joshua turner)

Nothing in EMTALA requires doctors to ignore the scope of their license and
offer medical treatments that violate state law.

abbie vansickle

He argues that, in Idaho, if a woman’s life is in danger, that there are
exceptions that allow abortions and that there’s flexibility for doctors to use
good faith judgment. And he’s saying that Idaho is satisfying the federal laws
requirement to provide women with stabilizing care.

archived recording (joshua turner)

The court should reject the administration’s unlimited reading of EMTALA and
reverse the district court’s judgment. I welcome the court’s questions.

sabrina tavernise

In other words, nothing to see here. Our ban gives exceptions if the woman’s
life is at risk. And that is in full compliance with this federal law, this
EMTALA that mandates care, right? So how do the justices respond to this
argument Turner’s making?

abbie vansickle

So when the lawyer for Idaho started making that argument, a group of justices
right away seemed skeptical. And those were the liberal justices.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Counsel, the problem we’re having right now is that you’re sort of putting
preemption on its head.

abbie vansickle

Justice Sonia Sotomayor jumped in pretty quickly to say, what do you mean that
there’s not a conflict between Idaho’s abortion law and federal law?

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Idaho law says the doctor has to determine, not that there’s merely a serious
medical condition, but that the person will die. That’s a huge difference,
Counsel.

abbie vansickle

And to kind of bring this down to earth —

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Answer the following question, and these are hypotheticals that are true.

abbie vansickle

— Justice Sotomayor starts with these hypotheticals of cases. And she explains
that they’re pulled from real life examples when delaying an abortion until a
woman was close to death had permanent effects on the woman’s health.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

Imagine a patient who goes to ER with preprompt 14 weeks.

abbie vansickle

She gets one example where there’s a patient whose water broke at 14 weeks in
the pregnancy.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

She was in and out of the hospital up to 27 weeks. The baby died. She had a
hysterectomy, and she can no longer have children.

abbie vansickle

And she said that delaying an abortion caused this woman to lose her fertility.

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

All right, you’re telling me the doctor there couldn’t have done the abortion
earlier.

abbie vansickle

And Justice Sotomayor asks, would Idaho’s abortion ban allow abortions in this
kind of situation when a woman’s health is gravely affected, even though she
didn’t die? And Idaho’s lawyer responds that it’s up to the doctor.

archived recording (joshua turner)

Again, it goes back to whether a doctor can, in good faith, medical judgment —

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

That’s a lot for the doctor to risk.

abbie vansickle

And that this is case by case.

archived recording (joshua turner)

The examples —

archived recording (sonia sotomayor)

That’s the problem —

archived recording (amy coney barrett)

I’m kind of shocked, actually, because I thought your own expert had said below
that these kinds of cases were covered, and you’re now saying they’re not?

abbie vansickle

And as this exchange is going on, another justice jumps in, which is a bit of a
surprise, because it’s Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who is one of the court’s
conservatives. And she jumps in and says —

archived recording (amy coney barrett)

Well, you’re hedging. I mean, Justice Sotomayor is asking you, would this be
covered or not? And it was my understanding that the legislature’s witnesses
said that these would be covered.

abbie vansickle

Wait a second, in the record in the documents leading up to this case, she
thought that Idaho was arguing that those kind of examples, the kind of example
where a woman needs an abortion or she has to have a hysterectomy, these sort of
really extreme loss of organs and loss of future fertility. She says, I thought
all of that was covered.

sabrina tavernise

She’s essentially looking at these medical scenarios and saying, hold on a
second, wait, there’s a question here about whether that would be legal and kind
of scratching her head, which is interesting and unusual given that she’s a
conservative who’s pretty skeptical usually of arguments in favor of abortion
rights.

abbie vansickle

That’s right. And, of course, we can only observe what she said and try to
figure it out. But she might have found herself more in an alliance with the
liberal justices, which not only would be surprising, given her sort of
positions and her past record on abortion, but also could potentially set up a
gender split on the Supreme Court in an abortion case, which would be pretty
stunning.

sabrina tavernise

OK. So interesting kind of gender divide forming here. What do the men on the
conservative side of the court say?

abbie vansickle

So the men on the court, the conservative justices, they jumped in pretty
quickly after that. And Justice Kavanaugh comes in.

archived recording (brett kavanaugh)

Just want to focus on the actual dispute as it exists now today.

abbie vansickle

And he’s kind of suggesting that the justices turn away from the hypotheticals
and focus back on what it actually says in the legal documents that were filed
by each side before the oral argument.

archived recording (joshua turner)

You have said, in your brief at least, that each of the conditions identified by
the government, actually, Idaho law allows an emergency abortion.

abbie vansickle

And Justice Kavanaugh says that the federal government, in their briefs, listed
all these specific conditions where a woman should be provided access to an
abortion under the federal EMTALA law. And based on Idaho’s own legal filings,
he says, the state says it would allow exceptions for abortions. In these same
types of situations.

archived recording (joshua turner)

You’re the one who said it in your reply brief that there’s actually no real
daylight here in terms of the conditions. So I’m just picking up on what you all
said.

sabrina tavernise

So in other words, the conservative justices are really kind of responding in
the way that we would expect them to. They’re sympathetic to Idaho’s argument.
They’re saying that law is flexible enough to comply with EMTALA.

abbie vansickle

That’s right.

Thank you, counsel.

And so that sort wrapped up the first part of the argument. And the next person
up to the podium was the lawyer arguing for the federal government.

archived recording

General Prelogar.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

Mr. Chief Justice, and may it please the court.

sabrina tavernise

So what did the federal government Solicitor General argue? What was her case?

abbie vansickle

So Elizabeth Prelogar, who — she’s actually from Idaho.

sabrina tavernise

Oh, right. Yes.

abbie vansickle

And she argues before the court all the time. And she started out by bringing
the argument back to this idea that the liberal justices were really focused on
before.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

No one who comes to an emergency room in need of urgent treatment should be
denied necessary stabilizing care —

abbie vansickle

Which is the federal government’s view that there is a profound gap between what
EMTALA requires and what is in the Idaho abortion law.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

The situation on the ground in Idaho is showing the devastating consequences of
that gap.

abbie vansickle

And she points to the real-life consequences of this.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

One hospital system in Idaho says that right now, it’s having to transfer
pregnant women in medical crisis out of the state about once every other week.
That’s untenable. And EMTALA does not countenance it.

abbie vansickle

And the Solicitor General is saying that this is gotten to the point where every
other week Idaho hospitals are airlifting women to hospitals in other states to
provide abortion care.

sabrina tavernise

Airlifted out of state. And is that true?

abbie vansickle

Yes. So there’s been local reporting in Idaho that since this abortion law has
gone into effect, which has just been a number of months, that six women have
been airlifted to other states. So Justice Kagan pushes on that.

archived recording (elena kagan)

It’s become transfer is the appropriate standard of care in Idaho, but it can’t
be the right standard of care to force somebody onto a helicopter.

abbie vansickle

She says that it just doesn’t seem to make sense, that the right standard of
care is to put a pregnant woman on a helicopter to another state.

archived recording

Justice Alito.

abbie vansickle

But one of the most interesting things that happens in the interaction with the
Solicitor General is actually that Justice Alito jumps in. And he sort of takes
the conversation in a totally new direction.

archived recording (samuel alito)

We’ve now heard, let’s see, an hour and a half of argument on this case. And one
potentially very important phrase in EMTALA has hardly been mentioned, and that
is EMTALA’s reference to the woman’s, quote unquote, “unborn child.” Isn’t that
an odd phrase to put in a statute that imposes a mandate to perform abortions?
Have you ever seen an abortion statute that uses the phrase unborn child?

abbie vansickle

And he says, isn’t it strange that this federal law that you are arguing to
require abortions includes language that would typically be used by people who
are against abortion?

archived recording (samuel alito)

And it seems that the plain meaning is that the hospital must try to eliminate
any immediate threat to the child. But performing an abortion is antithetical to
that duty.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

It’s not an odd phrase when you look at what Congress was doing in 1989.

abbie vansickle

And the Solicitor General responds by saying, let’s look at back to what this
law actually meant and what it was designed to address in the 1980s. And she
explains how when this law went into effect, not only would a woman potentially
be dumped from one emergency room if she couldn’t pay, but that if a woman came
in and the medical problem was actually with the fetus, that she also might be
dumped.

archived recording (elizabeth prelogar)

Congress wanted to expand the protection for pregnant women so that they could
get the same duties to screen and stabilize when they have a condition that’s
threatening the health and well-being of the unborn child.

abbie vansickle

And she says that’s actually why the language is there, that it’s not
anti-abortion code.

sabrina tavernise

So what’s Alito really up to here? I mean, clearly, this idea of unborn child,
it’s very important in the anti-abortion movement. It’s essentially linked to
this idea of personhood, and that the fetus is actually a person that should be
protected. But that’s not really what this case hinges on. So what’s he doing?

abbie vansickle

We, again, can’t get inside Justice Alito’s head. But in the lead up to these
arguments, there had been sort of speculation about whether the idea of fetal
personhood would make an appearance. It’s not the focus of the legal arguments
here. But if you look back to the Dobbs case, that case also was not a fetal
personhood case, but that language made its way into his opinion. He wrote the
majority opinion for the court.

And so I think it’ll be interesting once a decision comes out, whichever way it
goes with this court, whether the language of fetal personhood makes its way
into the court’s decision in some way. And that is important, because it’s the
Supreme Court. And the language that they use then gets cited by courts and
judges all over the country.

And right now, fetal personhood is not the accepted mainstream in the legal
world. But language like that from the Supreme Court, it could be cited in cases
around the country.

sabrina tavernise

Interesting. So even though the case isn’t actually about that, Alito can just
kind of sprinkle it through, and it could be cited later as evidence that the
Supreme Court is actually elevating this and talking about this.

abbie vansickle

Yeah, that’s a possibility. And it’s definitely something people will be
watching out for when the court makes its decision in the case later this year.

archived recording

Thank you, counsel. The case is submitted.

sabrina tavernise

So, Abbie, do you have a sense after this very interesting set of arguments
here, how the justices will rule?

abbie vansickle

You know, we’re in a bit of uncharted waters here. It’s hard to say how the
court is going to come out in this case. I think Justice Barrett jumping in to
say that she was shocked by some of the arguments being made by Idaho raised
some questions about whether she could potentially align herself with the other
women justices who are all liberals.

But a majority of the conservative justices did seem to be sympathetic to
Idaho’s arguments. It could be a case that comes down to Justice Barrett and the
Chief Justice, who was actually pretty quiet during arguments. And, you know, I
wouldn’t say that it was clear how he was going to come down on this.

And I think that’s something that’s important about this case is that it’s
likely to give us a substantive, real window into how the justices now
post-Dobbs are thinking about abortion and how it’s playing out in all these
different ways in states throughout the country.

sabrina tavernise

Abbie, I guess I’m thinking, whatever the outcome is, there’s something else
that’s happening here. And I’m thinking here about the timing, right. The ruling
will come just as the presidential campaign really heats up in the end of June.
And we know that very strict abortion bans don’t play very well to the
mainstream American voters. So if this ruling does go for Idaho, it would draw
lines around abortion access that are even more restrictive than many states
have at such a political moment.

abbie vansickle

I think it’s certainly fair to say that this decision will be closely watched,
and that it also could draw the court into the politics of abortion. And one of
the things that I just can’t help but think is that when the court made its
decision in Dobbs to overturn Roe v. Wade, that Justice Alito made a point of
saying that the court was getting out of the business of abortion, that this was
something that would be left to the states.

And now the court, as we’ve seen in this case, is wrestling with very sort of
granule hypotheticals about the different emergencies that could come up and
when is this OK and when is this not OK. And they are still very much in the
weeds of abortion.

sabrina tavernise

So, so much for the Supreme Court being done with abortion cases. It’s right
back there smack dab in the middle of one of the most contentious issues in
American life.

abbie vansickle

That’s right. It certainly is. And so it’s hard not to think about the court’s
putting itself again in the middle of this fierce debate, in the middle of a
huge political fight.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

sabrina tavernise

Abbie, thank you.

abbie vansickle

Thanks so much for having me.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

sabrina tavernise

We’ll be right back.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

Here’s what else you need to know today.

archived recording

We can see different cohorts of NYPD officers. One is going across Butler Lawns
towards Hamilton Hall. The other one is —

sabrina tavernise

On Tuesday, tensions over pro-Palestinian protests continued to escalate on
university campuses across the country. At Columbia University in New York,
hundreds of police officers in riot gear began arresting demonstrators on
Tuesday night, about 20 hours after protesters had occupied a campus building.

archived recording

They’re entering the encampment now. I mean, I know we’ve reported on this
before. There’s about a crowd of, I’d say, 30 or 40 police officers with batons
and zip ties right outside the Gaza solidarity encampment right now.

sabrina tavernise

The Columbia University student radio station reported that police used tear gas
to disperse people, and that at least one person was lying on the ground
unconscious during the raid. Earlier in the day, the University closed the
campus to everybody but students who live there and said it would move to expel
students who had occupied the building.

In Oregon, Portland State University closed its campus after students there
broke into its library. Police officers made scores of new arrests at
universities in California, Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia. More than
1,000 protesters have been taken into custody on UC campuses since the original
roundup at Columbia on April 18.

Today’s episode was produced by Stella Tan, Alex Stern, and Jessica Cheung. It
was edited by MJ Davis Lin, contains original music by Marion Lozano, and was
engineered by Chris Wood. Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk
of Wonderly.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

That’s it for “The Daily.” I’m Sabrina Tavernise. See you tomorrow.

Listen 35:16



Previous
More episodes ofThe Daily
May 3, 2024  •  25:33The Protesters and the President
May 2, 2024  •  29:13Biden Loosens Up on Weed
May 1, 2024  •  35:16The New Abortion Fight Before the Supreme Court
April 30, 2024  •  27:40The Secret Push That Could Ban TikTok
April 29, 2024  •  47:53Trump 2.0: What a Second Trump Presidency Would Bring
April 26, 2024  •  21:50Harvey Weinstein Conviction Thrown Out
April 25, 2024  •  40:33The Crackdown on Student Protesters
April 24, 2024  •  32:18Is $60 Billion Enough to Save Ukraine?
April 23, 2024  •  30:30A Salacious Conspiracy or Just 34 Pieces of Paper?
April 22, 2024  •  24:30The Evolving Danger of the New Bird Flu
April 19, 2024  •  30:42The Supreme Court Takes Up Homelessness
April 18, 2024  •  30:07The Opening Days of Trump’s First Criminal Trial
See All Episodes ofThe Daily
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May 1, 2024
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Hosted by Sabrina Tavernise

Featuring Pam Belluck and Abbie VanSickle

Produced by Stella Tan, Alex Stern and Jessica Cheung

Edited by M.J. Davis Lin

Original music by Dan Powell, Marion Lozano and Elisheba Ittoop

Engineered by Chris Wood


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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

As the presidential race moves into high gear, abortion is at the center of it.
Republican-controlled states continue to impose new bans, including just this
week in Florida.

But in Washington, the Biden administration is challenging one of those bans in
a case that is now before the Supreme Court, arguing that Idaho’s strict rules
violate a federal law on emergency medical treatment.

Pam Belluck, a health and science reporter at The Times, and Abbie VanSickle,
who covers the Supreme Court, explain how the federal law, known as EMTALA,
relates to abortion, and how the case could reverberate beyond Idaho.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------





ON TODAY’S EPISODE



Pam Belluck, a health and science reporter for The New York Times.

Abbie VanSickle, who covers the Supreme Court for The New York Times.

Image
Protesters outside the U.S. Supreme Court. The court’s ruling could extend to at
least half a dozen other states that have similarly restrictive bans, and the
implications of the case could stretch beyond abortion.Credit...Saul Loeb/Agence
France-Presse — Getty Images


BACKGROUND READING

 * Here’s a guide to the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act, the federal
   law at the heart of the case.

 * And here are five takeaways from the Supreme Court arguments on Idaho’s
   abortion ban.

There are a lot of ways to listen to The Daily. Here’s how.

We aim to make transcripts available the next workday after an episode’s
publication. You can find them at the top of the page.





--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Daily is made by Rachel Quester, Lynsea Garrison, Clare Toeniskoetter, Paige
Cowett, Michael Simon Johnson, Brad Fisher, Chris Wood, Jessica Cheung, Stella
Tan, Alexandra Leigh Young, Lisa Chow, Eric Krupke, Marc Georges, Luke Vander
Ploeg, M.J. Davis Lin, Dan Powell, Sydney Harper, Mike Benoist, Liz O. Baylen,
Asthaa Chaturvedi, Rachelle Bonja, Diana Nguyen, Marion Lozano, Corey Schreppel,
Rob Szypko, Elisheba Ittoop, Mooj Zadie, Patricia Willens, Rowan Niemisto, Jody
Becker, Rikki Novetsky, John Ketchum, Nina Feldman, Will Reid, Carlos Prieto,
Ben Calhoun, Susan Lee, Lexie Diao, Mary Wilson, Alex Stern, Dan Farrell, Sophia
Lanman, Shannon Lin, Diane Wong, Devon Taylor, Alyssa Moxley, Summer Thomad,
Olivia Natt, Daniel Ramirez and Brendan Klinkenberg.

Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk of Wonderly. Special thanks
to Sam Dolnick, Paula Szuchman, Lisa Tobin, Larissa Anderson, Julia Simon, Sofia
Milan, Mahima Chablani, Elizabeth Davis-Moorer, Jeffrey Miranda, Renan Borelli,
Maddy Masiello, Isabella Anderson and Nina Lassam.



Pam Belluck is a health and science reporter, covering a range of subjects,
including reproductive health, long Covid, brain science, neurological
disorders, mental health and genetics. More about Pam Belluck

Abbie VanSickle covers the United States Supreme Court for The Times. She is a
lawyer and has an extensive background in investigative reporting. More about
Abbie VanSickle

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