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Dispatch: How the Occupation Fuels Tel Aviv’s Booming AI Sector
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Dispatch
The view from the ground.
HOW THE OCCUPATION FUELS TEL AVIV’S BOOMING AI SECTOR
ISRAEL HONES INVASIVE SURVEILLANCE TECHNOLOGY ON PALESTINIANS BEFORE IT IS
EXPORTED ABROAD.
By Sophia Goodfriend
A new closed-circuit television (CCTV) camera installed on the roof of a private
Palestinian home in Hebron’s Tel Rumeida neighborhood is seen in the occupied
West Bank on Dec. 4, 2021.
A new closed-circuit television (CCTV) camera installed on the roof of a private
Palestinian home in Hebron’s Tel Rumeida neighborhood is seen in the occupied
West Bank on Dec. 4, 2021. Sophia Goodfriend for Foreign Policy
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February 21, 2022, 8:00 AM
HEBRON, West Bank—Three closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras peer off the
roof of Wijdan Ziadeh’s home in the Tel Rumeida neighborhood of Hebron in the
occupied West Bank, where old stone homes and new clapboard caravans crowd the
hillside overlooking one of the most sacred sites to both Islam and Judaism. In
early 2021, a crowd of teenage soldiers in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)
stormed up a winding staircase to install the cameras on her house’s rooftop.
According to Ziadeh, they return every few weeks to make sure the cameras
continue working and have broken the lock off the front door if no one is home
to let them in.
HEBRON, West Bank—Three closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras peer off the
roof of Wijdan Ziadeh’s home in the Tel Rumeida neighborhood of Hebron in the
occupied West Bank, where old stone homes and new clapboard caravans crowd the
hillside overlooking one of the most sacred sites to both Islam and Judaism. In
early 2021, a crowd of teenage soldiers in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)
stormed up a winding staircase to install the cameras on her house’s rooftop.
According to Ziadeh, they return every few weeks to make sure the cameras
continue working and have broken the lock off the front door if no one is home
to let them in.
Ziadeh isn’t alone. Today, a network of artificial intelligence-powered facial
recognition cameras overlooking the winding roads and footpaths of the contested
city has turned Hebron into what Israel’s Coordinator of Government Activities
in the Territories calls a “smart city.”
Over coffee on plush red couches in her dark, shuttered living room in December
2021, Ziadeh described the effect of these technologies. New cameras stare at
her patio, track who comes into her home, log her routes through the
neighborhood, and allow soldiers to identify and sort her family members based
on security ratings the military assigns to Palestinians in the West Bank. Their
photos and biographical information are stored in a database called Blue Wolf,
which soldiers in Hebron access through smartphones or tablets.
“I feel watched all the time, even inside my room,” she said. “We don’t feel
safe inside our own homes.”
As the Washington Post reported, the new cameras were rolled out alongside the
Blue Wolf system in late 2020. It is an example of Israel’s official move toward
a “frictionless” occupation across the West Bank and East Jerusalem based on
automated, often AI-based surveillance technology that is meant to reduce
interactions between Israeli soldiers and Palestinians.
Hebron has been divided into two separate zones since 1997: H1 and H2. Today the
Palestinian Authority (PA) maintains limited control over security and civilian
matters in H1, which constitutes 81 percent of the city and is home to around
180,000 Palestinians. Israel maintains military control over H2, which includes
most of Hebron’s Old City and surrounding neighborhoods like Tel Rumeida.
In H2, 33,000 Palestinians, 750 Jewish settlers, and upward of 800 Israeli
soldiers live in an intensely contested area. Over the last two decades, settler
compounds and Israeli military infrastructure have transformed H2. Today, new
surveillance technologies, such as biometric cameras and the Blue Wolf system,
join an existing matrix of checkpoints, watchtowers, and army bases.
Palestinians subjected to Israeli military rule lack basic privacy rights;
often, they are entirely exposed to surveillance by Israeli soldiers. This
allows companies working with the Israeli military to prototype and refine new
technologies on Palestinian civilians in places like Hebron before they are
exported abroad, with little regulation to keep them in check.
The IDF claim this new network of surveillance systems is a more humanitarian
form of military control. Palestinians, however, liken it to a dystopian
nightmare.
Read More
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
For decades, Israel’s military strategy sought to maintain a constant degree of
“friction” in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, where occupying soldiers made
their presence known through a matrix of checkpoints, guard posts, closed
military zones, and night raids. But in the late 2000s, the IDF adapted its
methods. Innovations in AI-powered biometric and digital surveillance, from
facial recognition cameras and cyberespionage weapons to license plate scanners,
promised a less conspicuous military presence. Intrusive, high-tech tools gave
form to the “frictionless” occupation that continues to this day.
Israeli officials say the proliferation of surveillance tech helps “improve
movement, access, and daily life” for Palestinians across the West Bank and East
Jerusalem by, in the words of Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett,
“[shrinking] the conflict.” Biometric cameras at checkpoints promise to
streamline border crossings that once took hours. Drone imaging allegedly
reduces the need for IDF soldiers to intrude on Palestinian homes in the dead of
night for mapping exercises. Tapping into telecommunications means security
agents can gather intelligence from the safe distance of an army base.
But these technologies’ convenience distracts from their brutal effects.
Palestinians like Ziadeh fear soldiers will break into their homes to manage
cameras installed on the roof. Other Hebron residents said soldiers stop their
children on the street to photograph them without their consent. Innovations in
biometric surveillance, digital tracking, and automated data processing makes
many residents feel as if they are constantly being monitored, even inside the
privacy of their own homes.
Over cups of steaming mint tea served outside her home, Fatima Azzih, another
resident of Tel Rumeida, gestured to new CCTV cameras the military installed
above her patio, peering over her front door and through windows. Azzih said the
expansion of surveillance in recent months has led her and her family to remain
inside and isolated. “No one wants to come here,” she said. “The kids don’t play
outside. We’re constantly watched.”
These surveillance systems are prevalent across Hebron’s Old City, where Israeli
settlers protected by Israeli soldiers encroach on Palestinian homes. According
to commander Amit Cohen, who heads Israel’s civil administration in the Hebron
area, advanced surveillance systems help manage this violent environment. “A
network of sensors that knows how to monitor the space in real-time and identify
what is unusual and what is not” covers Hebron’s Old City, Cohen told Israel
Hayom, making “all the information from the sensors … accessible to the
soldiers.”
A Palestinian woman stands at the fence of her house on al-Shuhada street, which
is largely closed to Palestinians, in the city of Hebron in the occupied West
Bank on Nov. 9, 2021.
A Palestinian woman stands at the fence of her house on al-Shuhada street, which
is largely closed to Palestinians, in the city of Hebron in the occupied West
Bank on Nov. 9, 2021.HAZEM BADER/AFP via Getty Images
While the PA retains nominal civilian rule in H2, it offers little protection to
those Palestinians who remain in the area. Israel has carried out widespread
surveillance throughout the West Bank for decades, even in areas ostensibly
under full PA control like Ramallah. Today, Israeli soldiers comb through
digital communications, tap into phone calls, and build up biometric databases
that track Palestinian civilians’ movement across the entire territory. The PA
itself has also come under fire for its own invasive surveillance tactics, such
as confiscating cellphones at human rights protests and combing social media
accounts to carry out targeted arrests of peaceful activists.
In recent years, critics have voiced concerns that security coordination between
the PA and the IDF in Hebron and across the West Bank allows the PA to outsource
repression while maintaining power. The PA has not held elections since 2006,
yet polls show the majority of Palestinians in the West Bank view the current
political leadership unfavorably. Without a functioning government that is, even
in the best of times, subjected to Israeli military rule, Palestinian civilians
do not have recourse to basic legal safeguards against invasive surveillance.
Issa Amro, a lifelong resident and nonviolent activist from Tel Rumeida, argues
that Palestinian civilians’ lack of control over these systems is the most
dehumanizing part of Israel’s surveillance apparatus.
“We don’t know how soldiers are using this information, and we don’t know what
they have access to or what they will use against me,” he said. “There is no
influence we can have on the system. We don’t vote for who uses it. We can’t go
to court to change some kind of regulation. It doesn’t take into consideration
our culture, our need for privacy.”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
International law enshrines privacy as a basic human right. But according to Gil
Gan-Mor, an Israeli attorney at the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, the
strict data privacy protections in place for Israeli citizens do not extend to
Palestinian civilians living under Israeli military rule.
“There isn’t regulation in place in terms of surveillance and privacy,” he said
of the West Bank. “Part of the problem is it’s all done under the radar, so we
don’t know what technology exists and what limits on the technology can exist.”
Amro insists Israel’s denial of Palestinians’ right to privacy while living
under occupation has turned places like Hebron into testing sites in global
surveillance supply chains. “It’s about using us [as] an experiment for the
technology,” he said.
Many Israeli surveillance technologies originate in the occupied Palestinian
territories, where Israel’s military rule allows firms to prototype and refine
their products before exporting them abroad. It has created somewhat of a
revolving door between the Israeli military and tech sector: When private
companies work closely with the Israeli military in largely unregulated
contexts, army-trained engineers and analysts develop extensive technical
skills, which they can put to use in Israel’s booming private surveillance
sector once their mandatory service is up.
Firms like NSO Group serve as a stark example of the dangers this status quo
poses to civil society around the globe. NSO Group ascended private security
markets by aggressively recruiting veterans from elite Israeli intelligence
units, who could readily put surveillance know-how in a military context to use
in the private sector.
Since 2018, the cyberespionage firm has worked closely with Israel’s foreign
office, whose practice of “spyware diplomacy” exported spyware to autocratic
regimes and liberal democracies alike. In the years since, Pegasus software has
been found on some 50,000 phones worldwide. Recent reports alleged the United
States discussed purchasing the technology. But after allegations that the
technology was used to hack the phones of journalists, human rights defenders,
and opposition politicians in mid-2021, the U.S. Commerce Department placed NSO
Group on a blacklist.
Other, less notorious Israeli firms are also spreading their technologies from
the occupied Palestinian territories to contexts worldwide. The Israeli facial
recognition firm Oosto (formerly AnyVision) outfitted checkpoints across the
West Bank with biometric scanners in 2019 and then began exporting these
technologies abroad a few months later, where they are now used as facial
recognition cameras at the entrances of malls, sports stadiums, and office
complexes in 43 countries. The Israeli intelligence company Cellebrite pioneered
technology that could break into locked iPhones for the Israeli police and has
now exported its data-scraping technology to law enforcement agencies across the
United States.
Two closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras overlook an intersection in
Hebron's Old City in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 4, 2021.
Two closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras overlook an intersection in
Hebron’s Old City in the occupied West Bank on Dec. 4, 2021.Sophia Goodfriend
for Foreign Policy
The trophies of Israel’s private surveillance industry have also corroded
Israeli civilians’ right to privacy. Last month, Israeli press reported Israeli
police used NSO Group’s Pegasus software against its own civilians, secretly and
without warrants, for eight years. The revelations demonstrated the extent to
which Israel’s political establishment has partnered with private surveillance
firms in the country. Rather than regulating NSO Group’s sales, the government
facilitated its expansion into civilian contexts domestically and worldwide.
Legal debates surrounding the use of NSO spyware against Israeli civilians are
mounting. As politicians move to legalize invasive surveillance tech, Israeli
lawyers and lawmakers are demanding safeguards against its abuse. But whatever
policy changes Israel may see in response to recent revelations about NSO Group,
it will not tamper with the development and deployment of similar technologies
in the occupied Palestinian territories. Palestinian civilians living under
occupation, denied basic civil and political rights, are excluded from such
debates.
In August 2021, United Nations experts called for a moratorium on the sale and
transfer of AI-powered surveillance technology. Human rights advocates said such
a move would clamp down on the development of new technologies—from spyware to
biometrics—until comprehensive international regulations on their sale and
deployment are put in place.
It is unlikely Israel would sign any international regulation limiting the
development and deployment of new surveillance tech. However, Palestinian
digital rights advocate Nadim Nashif believes a U.N.-led moratorium would weaken
the research and development capabilities of private Israeli firms operating in
the occupied Palestinian territories. “The companies operating here always go
global,” he said. “But if there’s less demand for their products, there’s less
of an impetus for them to keep doing harm.”
For now, the impact of surveillance in Hebron is a warning to the rest of the
world. Governments worldwide are clamoring for more invasive technologies, and
the private market is meeting their demands. Innovation in AI-powered
surveillance continues to outpace regulatory frameworks. Reining the private
industry in is a small but necessary step to clamp down on the abuse of new
technologies—in Palestine and beyond.
My FP: Follow topics and authors to get straight to what you like. Exclusively
for FP subscribers. Subscribe Now | Log In
* Military
* Science and Technology
* Human Rights
Sophia Goodfriend is a doctoral candidate in anthropology at Duke University,
with expertise in digital rights and digital surveillance in Israel and
Palestine. She is based in Jerusalem. Twitter: @sopgood
Read More On Human Rights | Israel | Military | Palestine | Science and
Technology
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