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Submission: On March 11 via api from FR — Scanned from FR
Effective URL: https://adf.uk/campaigns/freedom-in-the-public-square/?utm_source=digac&utm_medium=premier&utm_campaign=pcsc_wr...
Submission: On March 11 via api from FR — Scanned from FR
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<div class="ginput_container ginput_container_textarea"><textarea name="input_8" id="input_20_8" class="textarea medium" aria-invalid="false" rows="10" cols="50"
disabled="disabled">To my representative in Parliament,
On 28 February 2022, the House of Commons voted to reject amendments brought by the House of Lords designed to protect freedom of speech and protest in the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill (PCSC) 2021.
My primary concern is that the Bill has been pitched by the Government as the first major ‘update’ to public order legislation in 35 years. According to the Government, the updates are needed to ensure police have adequate powers to address seriously disruptive protests.
That in mind, one of the most pressing problems over the last three decades and increasingly so in recent years is the difficulty law enforcers have faced in striking the balance between the legitimate use of force to prevent seriously disruptive protests and ensuring that peaceful expressions of public dissent are not unlawfully prevented.
Many people are already being arrested for expressing their religious, political and philosophical convictions in public, due to ambiguous wording within the Public Order Act 1986 and the resulting inconsistent interpretation and enforcement by police.
Although the government has sought to reassure members that the Bill will not tamper with fundamental rights, there is currently nothing on the face of the Bill that explicitly protects fundamental rights or mandates training for police officers. Frontline police officers enforce law, not the assurances of the executive.
The Bill will significantly increase police powers (allowing them to impose practically any condition they consider necessary) and open the door for values-based policing, rather than tackling the root concern of the public: violent and extremely disruptive disorder. The result is the erosion of our hard-fought for rights to free speech and assembly.
A strong voice from MPs across the political spectrum is now urgent. I would be grateful if you could consider signing the Freedom of Speech Early Day Motion (https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/59273/freedom-of-speech) which aims to protect freedom in public order legislation and equip enforcement agencies to prevent serious public disorder whilst protecting fundamental rights.
As the Bill returns to the House of Lords, I would also be most grateful if you could seriously consider a compromise that at least includes some free speech-affirming amendments on the face of the Bill.
Yours sincerely,
-----------
Right to freedom of speech
Freedom of speech has been protected by the law in the UK for as long, if not longer than any other country in the world, through our common law. Freedom of speech has now acquired constitutional protection through our accession to the European Convention on Human Rights as incorporated in the Human Rights Act 1998.
The Courts have consistently held freedom of speech as a fundamental right in a democratic society. Free speech is the vehicle through which citizens can express dissent, and the government can be held to account for violations of all other rights.
However, these rights are not absolute; the government can restrict them where necessary and proportionate for various reasons, including the prevention of disorder or crime. In public spaces, restrictions on freedom of speech are most frequently imposed under the Public Order Act 1986.
Public Order Act 1986
The 1986 Act gives police officers powers to tackle behaviour that is threatening, abusive, and seriously disorderly.
The provision most routinely used to curtail speech in public spaces is section 5 of the Public Order Act, which criminalise words or behaviour deemed to be "threatening or abusive". The provision was originally purposed to tackle the numerous instances of violent and intimidating behaviour of football hooligans in the 1980s. However, over time the application of section 5 expanded. Individuals were increasingly prosecuted in circumstances not envisaged by Parliament and which unduly restricted otherwise lawful speech. For example, section 5 has been interpreted to criminalise comedians, street preachers, and political activists for simply engaging in speech considered offensive by bystanders. Examples include an Oxford student asking a police officer, "Do you realise your horse is gay?" which the police force described as homophobic and "offensive to people passing by", to a 16-year-old holding up a placard saying, "Scientology is a dangerous cult". This year alone a number of street evangelists have been arrested due to their biblically-based views on marriage, sexuality and life.
2013 reforms and continued curtailment of free speech rights
In 2013, Parliament amended section 5 of the Act to address the improper criminalisation of merely 'insulting' words and behaviour. Parliament acknowledged that the fundamental right of freedom of speech necessarily included speech that was shocking, disturbing, and offensive. A failure to protect such speech would contravene the UK's obligations under international law and the Parliament thus removed the word 'insulting' from section 5 of the Public Order Act in the hope that it would stay the unjust arrests of legitimate viewpoints, even if considered offensive by members of the public.
Unfortunately, evidence suggests that the intent and will of Parliament to protect free speech in public spaces continues to be frustrated. Members of the public are repeatedly arrested and prosecuted merely for expressing unpopular viewpoints. Speech that was formerly considered 'insulting' has now simply been reinterpreted as 'abusive'. Prosecution guidance has not been updated to reflect the intent of Parliament to protect free speech.
Furthermore, in a remarkable departure from our legal tradition on free speech, local Councils have interpreted the law as permitting the introduction of blanket censorship zones, criminalising otherwise peaceful and lawful speech in specified public locations (see section 59 of the Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2014 section 59). Recent examples include expressions ranging from non-abusive swearing to a blanket ban on prayer (including silent prayer). Human rights experts have widely criticised the marginalisation of fundamental rights by local authorities, and the issue has largely gone under the radar.
Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts (PCSC) Bill 2021
The continued suppression of lawful speech in public spaces signals a lack of clarity in the law. Whilst free speech remains a fundamental right under the Human Rights Act, the broad enforcement powers given to police officers and the vague provisions allowing for broad, subjective assessments means that the right to freedom of speech has, in practice, consistently been undermined, marginalised or ignored.
As the first major update to public order legislation in nearly 35 years, the Bill presents an opportunity for Parliament to effectively protect free speech in public spaces in a way which the law has hitherto been unable to do. Concerningly, the Bill in its current form makes no mention of protecting free speech. On the contrary, the Bill includes a number of vague terms and broad powers that will inevitably erode free speech rights to an extent unknown to post-war England and Wales.
Part 3 (clauses 55-61) – the free speech restricting provisions restrict
The provisions impacting freedom of speech can be found in Part 3 of the Bill (clauses 55-61), which ostensibly relate to protest but also have serious ramifications for freedom of speech in general. The government's stated reason for introducing Part 3 is to empower police officers to take a more proactive approach in managing highly disruptive protests causing serious disruption to the public – such as the Extinction Rebellion protest of April 2019. However, in practice, the Bill will give police officers the discretion to arrest individuals based on the content of their speech if it merely risks causing, for example, serious 'unease' (clause 54) and 'inconvenience' (clause 60).
These far-reaching restrictions on speech are compounded by the government's proposals to significantly increase sentences should an individual fall foul of the vague provisions above (Clause 60(4)); lower the threshold for pre-charge bail conditions – allowing officers to restrict freedoms even where there is insufficient evidence of a criminal offence (Clause 43), and award broad powers to the Secretary of State to define the ambit of criminality in the future without allowing meaningful parliamentary scrutiny (Clause 55(4)).
In practice, these provisions will not only lead to more confusion on the part of police officers (who have already remarked that they did not ask for the powers proposed and that the Bill is 'harmful to democracy') but will almost certainly lead to more unjust arrests, increased litigation in the courts and, ultimately, a chilling effect on freedom of speech in public spaces. </textarea></div>
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<div class="ginput_container ginput_container_textarea"><textarea name="input_20" id="input_20_20" class="textarea medium" aria-invalid="false" rows="10" cols="50"
disabled="disabled">To my representative in Parliament,
Thank you for defending freedom by signing the Freedom of Speech Early Day Motion (https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/59273/freedom-of-speech). If it progresses, it will ensure that public order legislation protects free speech and improved training for enforcement agencies, while preventing serious disorder.
The Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts (PCSC) Bill will limit my freedom to speak openly, since the Government has rejected key Lords pro-freedom amendments to it.
Your help is vital to defend citizens facing arrest for expressing their religious, political and philosophical convictions in public, due to police interpreting and enforcing the Public Order Act 1986 inconsistently.
Although it’s not too late to protect freedom of speech and assembly in the UK, time is running out. I would be most grateful if you could consider passing on the motion to your colleagues in the Lords and the Commons.
Yours sincerely,
-----------
Right to freedom of speech
Freedom of speech has been protected by the law in the UK for as long, if not longer than any other country in the world, through our common law. Freedom of speech has now acquired constitutional protection through our accession to the European Convention on Human Rights as incorporated in the Human Rights Act 1998.
The Courts have consistently held freedom of speech as a fundamental right in a democratic society. Free speech is the vehicle through which citizens can express dissent, and the government can be held to account for violations of all other rights.
However, these rights are not absolute; the government can restrict them where necessary and proportionate for various reasons, including the prevention of disorder or crime. In public spaces, restrictions on freedom of speech are most frequently imposed under the Public Order Act 1986.
Public Order Act 1986
The 1986 Act gives police officers powers to tackle behaviour that is threatening, abusive, and seriously disorderly.
The provision most routinely used to curtail speech in public spaces is section 5 of the Public Order Act, which criminalise words or behaviour deemed to be "threatening or abusive". The provision was originally purposed to tackle the numerous instances of violent and intimidating behaviour of football hooligans in the 1980s. However, over time the application of section 5 expanded. Individuals were increasingly prosecuted in circumstances not envisaged by Parliament and which unduly restricted otherwise lawful speech. For example, section 5 has been interpreted to criminalise comedians, street preachers, and political activists for simply engaging in speech considered offensive by bystanders. Examples include an Oxford student asking a police officer, "Do you realise your horse is gay?" which the police force described as homophobic and "offensive to people passing by", to a 16-year-old holding up a placard saying, "Scientology is a dangerous cult". This year alone a number of street evangelists have been arrested due to their biblically-based views on marriage, sexuality and life.
2013 reforms and continued curtailment of free speech rights
In 2013, Parliament amended section 5 of the Act to address the improper criminalisation of merely 'insulting' words and behaviour. Parliament acknowledged that the fundamental right of freedom of speech necessarily included speech that was shocking, disturbing, and offensive. A failure to protect such speech would contravene the UK's obligations under international law and the Parliament thus removed the word 'insulting' from section 5 of the Public Order Act in the hope that it would stay the unjust arrests of legitimate viewpoints, even if considered offensive by members of the public.
Unfortunately, evidence suggests that the intent and will of Parliament to protect free speech in public spaces continues to be frustrated. Members of the public are repeatedly arrested and prosecuted merely for expressing unpopular viewpoints. Speech that was formerly considered 'insulting' has now simply been reinterpreted as 'abusive'. Prosecution guidance has not been updated to reflect the intent of Parliament to protect free speech.
Furthermore, in a remarkable departure from our legal tradition on free speech, local Councils have interpreted the law as permitting the introduction of blanket censorship zones, criminalising otherwise peaceful and lawful speech in specified public locations (see section 59 of the Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2014 section 59). Recent examples include expressions ranging from non-abusive swearing to a blanket ban on prayer (including silent prayer). Human rights experts have widely criticised the marginalisation of fundamental rights by local authorities, and the issue has largely gone under the radar.
Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts (PCSC) Bill 2021
The continued suppression of lawful speech in public spaces signals a lack of clarity in the law. Whilst free speech remains a fundamental right under the Human Rights Act, the broad enforcement powers given to police officers and the vague provisions allowing for broad, subjective assessments means that the right to freedom of speech has, in practice, consistently been undermined, marginalised or ignored.
As the first major update to public order legislation in nearly 35 years, the Bill presents an opportunity for Parliament to effectively protect free speech in public spaces in a way which the law has hitherto been unable to do. Concerningly, the Bill in its current form makes no mention of protecting free speech. On the contrary, the Bill includes a number of vague terms and broad powers that will inevitably erode free speech rights to an extent unknown to post-war England and Wales.
Part 3 (clauses 55-61) – the free speech restricting provisions restrict
The provisions impacting freedom of speech can be found in Part 3 of the Bill (clauses 55-61), which ostensibly relate to protest but also have serious ramifications for freedom of speech in general. The government's stated reason for introducing Part 3 is to empower police officers to take a more proactive approach in managing highly disruptive protests causing serious disruption to the public – such as the Extinction Rebellion protest of April 2019. However, in practice, the Bill will give police officers the discretion to arrest individuals based on the content of their speech if it merely risks causing, for example, serious 'unease' (clause 54) and 'inconvenience' (clause 60).
These far-reaching restrictions on speech are compounded by the government's proposals to significantly increase sentences should an individual fall foul of the vague provisions above (Clause 60(4)); lower the threshold for pre-charge bail conditions – allowing officers to restrict freedoms even where there is insufficient evidence of a criminal offence (Clause 43), and award broad powers to the Secretary of State to define the ambit of criminality in the future without allowing meaningful parliamentary scrutiny (Clause 55(4)).
In practice, these provisions will not only lead to more confusion on the part of police officers (who have already remarked that they did not ask for the powers proposed and that the Bill is 'harmful to democracy') but will almost certainly lead to more unjust arrests, increased litigation in the courts and, ultimately, a chilling effect on freedom of speech in public spaces. </textarea></div>
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<li id="field_12_4" class="gfield gfield--width-full gfield_contains_required field_sublabel_below field_description_below gfield_visibility_visible"><label class="gfield_label">Please keep me informed by email about your work, your
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</form>POST /campaigns/freedom-in-the-public-square/#gf_19
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<div id="field_19_15" class="gfield gsection field_sublabel_below field_description_below gfield_visibility_visible">
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<div id="field_19_17" class="gfield gfield--width-full gfield_contains_required field_sublabel_below field_description_below gfield_visibility_visible"><label class="gfield_label" for="input_19_17">Email<span class="gfield_required"><span
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<div class="gfield_description" id="gfield_description_19_26">Your UK postcode allows us to send you information by email about events that affect your local area.</div>
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<fieldset id="field_19_25" class="gfield gfield--width-full field_sublabel_below field_description_below hidden_label gfield_visibility_visible">
<legend class="gfield_label gfield_label_before_complex">Send me items by post as well</legend>
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<div class="gfield_checkbox" id="input_19_25">
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<p style="font:roboto; font-size:20px"><strong>Subscribe to our newsletter to find out more about the issues impacting freedom in the UK, and to support our efforts in upholding them.</strong></p>
<p style="font:roboto; font-size:14px">I agree that ADF UK processes the personal data I have provided and other personal data determined on the basis of my use of this online subscription. I am able to find out more about the details of data
processing in the <a href="https://adf.uk/privacy_policy">Privacy Policy</a> declaration, which I hereby accept. I can revoke my declarations of consent at any time.</p>
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<option value="Bosnia and Herzegovina">Bosnia and Herzegovina</option>
<option value="Botswana">Botswana</option>
<option value="Bouvet Island">Bouvet Island</option>
<option value="Brazil">Brazil</option>
<option value="British Indian Ocean Territory">British Indian Ocean Territory</option>
<option value="Brunei Darussalam">Brunei Darussalam</option>
<option value="Bulgaria">Bulgaria</option>
<option value="Burkina Faso">Burkina Faso</option>
<option value="Burundi">Burundi</option>
<option value="Cambodia">Cambodia</option>
<option value="Cameroon">Cameroon</option>
<option value="Canada">Canada</option>
<option value="Cape Verde">Cape Verde</option>
<option value="Cayman Islands">Cayman Islands</option>
<option value="Central African Republic">Central African Republic</option>
<option value="Chad">Chad</option>
<option value="Chile">Chile</option>
<option value="China">China</option>
<option value="Christmas Island">Christmas Island</option>
<option value="Cocos Islands">Cocos Islands</option>
<option value="Colombia">Colombia</option>
<option value="Comoros">Comoros</option>
<option value="Congo, Democratic Republic of the">Congo, Democratic Republic of the</option>
<option value="Congo, Republic of the">Congo, Republic of the</option>
<option value="Cook Islands">Cook Islands</option>
<option value="Costa Rica">Costa Rica</option>
<option value="Croatia">Croatia</option>
<option value="Cuba">Cuba</option>
<option value="Curaçao">Curaçao</option>
<option value="Cyprus">Cyprus</option>
<option value="Czech Republic">Czech Republic</option>
<option value="Côte d'Ivoire">Côte d'Ivoire</option>
<option value="Denmark">Denmark</option>
<option value="Djibouti">Djibouti</option>
<option value="Dominica">Dominica</option>
<option value="Dominican Republic">Dominican Republic</option>
<option value="Ecuador">Ecuador</option>
<option value="Egypt">Egypt</option>
<option value="El Salvador">El Salvador</option>
<option value="Equatorial Guinea">Equatorial Guinea</option>
<option value="Eritrea">Eritrea</option>
<option value="Estonia">Estonia</option>
<option value="Eswatini (Swaziland)">Eswatini (Swaziland)</option>
<option value="Ethiopia">Ethiopia</option>
<option value="Falkland Islands">Falkland Islands</option>
<option value="Faroe Islands">Faroe Islands</option>
<option value="Fiji">Fiji</option>
<option value="Finland">Finland</option>
<option value="France">France</option>
<option value="French Guiana">French Guiana</option>
<option value="French Polynesia">French Polynesia</option>
<option value="French Southern Territories">French Southern Territories</option>
<option value="Gabon">Gabon</option>
<option value="Gambia">Gambia</option>
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<option value="Guinea-Bissau">Guinea-Bissau</option>
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<option value="Kyrgyzstan">Kyrgyzstan</option>
<option value="Lao People's Democratic Republic">Lao People's Democratic Republic</option>
<option value="Latvia">Latvia</option>
<option value="Lebanon">Lebanon</option>
<option value="Lesotho">Lesotho</option>
<option value="Liberia">Liberia</option>
<option value="Libya">Libya</option>
<option value="Liechtenstein">Liechtenstein</option>
<option value="Lithuania">Lithuania</option>
<option value="Luxembourg">Luxembourg</option>
<option value="Macau">Macau</option>
<option value="Macedonia">Macedonia</option>
<option value="Madagascar">Madagascar</option>
<option value="Malawi">Malawi</option>
<option value="Malaysia">Malaysia</option>
<option value="Maldives">Maldives</option>
<option value="Mali">Mali</option>
<option value="Malta">Malta</option>
<option value="Marshall Islands">Marshall Islands</option>
<option value="Martinique">Martinique</option>
<option value="Mauritania">Mauritania</option>
<option value="Mauritius">Mauritius</option>
<option value="Mayotte">Mayotte</option>
<option value="Mexico">Mexico</option>
<option value="Micronesia">Micronesia</option>
<option value="Moldova">Moldova</option>
<option value="Monaco">Monaco</option>
<option value="Mongolia">Mongolia</option>
<option value="Montenegro">Montenegro</option>
<option value="Montserrat">Montserrat</option>
<option value="Morocco">Morocco</option>
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<option value="Myanmar">Myanmar</option>
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<option value="Niger">Niger</option>
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<option value="North Korea">North Korea</option>
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<option value="Papua New Guinea">Papua New Guinea</option>
<option value="Paraguay">Paraguay</option>
<option value="Peru">Peru</option>
<option value="Philippines">Philippines</option>
<option value="Pitcairn">Pitcairn</option>
<option value="Poland">Poland</option>
<option value="Portugal">Portugal</option>
<option value="Puerto Rico">Puerto Rico</option>
<option value="Qatar">Qatar</option>
<option value="Romania">Romania</option>
<option value="Russia">Russia</option>
<option value="Rwanda">Rwanda</option>
<option value="Réunion">Réunion</option>
<option value="Saint Barthélemy">Saint Barthélemy</option>
<option value="Saint Helena">Saint Helena</option>
<option value="Saint Kitts and Nevis">Saint Kitts and Nevis</option>
<option value="Saint Lucia">Saint Lucia</option>
<option value="Saint Martin">Saint Martin</option>
<option value="Saint Pierre and Miquelon">Saint Pierre and Miquelon</option>
<option value="Saint Vincent and the Grenadines">Saint Vincent and the Grenadines</option>
<option value="Samoa">Samoa</option>
<option value="San Marino">San Marino</option>
<option value="Sao Tome and Principe">Sao Tome and Principe</option>
<option value="Saudi Arabia">Saudi Arabia</option>
<option value="Senegal">Senegal</option>
<option value="Serbia">Serbia</option>
<option value="Seychelles">Seychelles</option>
<option value="Sierra Leone">Sierra Leone</option>
<option value="Singapore">Singapore</option>
<option value="Sint Maarten">Sint Maarten</option>
<option value="Slovakia">Slovakia</option>
<option value="Slovenia">Slovenia</option>
<option value="Solomon Islands">Solomon Islands</option>
<option value="Somalia">Somalia</option>
<option value="South Africa">South Africa</option>
<option value="South Georgia">South Georgia</option>
<option value="South Korea">South Korea</option>
<option value="South Sudan">South Sudan</option>
<option value="Spain">Spain</option>
<option value="Sri Lanka">Sri Lanka</option>
<option value="Sudan">Sudan</option>
<option value="Suriname">Suriname</option>
<option value="Svalbard and Jan Mayen Islands">Svalbard and Jan Mayen Islands</option>
<option value="Sweden">Sweden</option>
<option value="Switzerland">Switzerland</option>
<option value="Syria">Syria</option>
<option value="Taiwan">Taiwan</option>
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<option value="Timor-Leste">Timor-Leste</option>
<option value="Togo">Togo</option>
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<option value="Tonga">Tonga</option>
<option value="Trinidad and Tobago">Trinidad and Tobago</option>
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#FREESPEECHFORGOOD
TOGETHER WE CAN SAFEGUARD FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN THE PUBLIC SQUARE
#FREESPEECHFORGOOD
ACT NOW AND ASK YOUR MP TO SIGN THE PARLIAMENTARY MOTION TO PROTECT FREE SPEECH
IN PUBLIC SPACES.
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Mail Content
To my representative in Parliament, On 28 February 2022, the House of Commons
voted to reject amendments brought by the House of Lords designed to protect
freedom of speech and protest in the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill
(PCSC) 2021. My primary concern is that the Bill has been pitched by the
Government as the first major ‘update’ to public order legislation in 35 years.
According to the Government, the updates are needed to ensure police have
adequate powers to address seriously disruptive protests. That in mind, one of
the most pressing problems over the last three decades and increasingly so in
recent years is the difficulty law enforcers have faced in striking the balance
between the legitimate use of force to prevent seriously disruptive protests and
ensuring that peaceful expressions of public dissent are not unlawfully
prevented. Many people are already being arrested for expressing their
religious, political and philosophical convictions in public, due to ambiguous
wording within the Public Order Act 1986 and the resulting inconsistent
interpretation and enforcement by police. Although the government has sought to
reassure members that the Bill will not tamper with fundamental rights, there is
currently nothing on the face of the Bill that explicitly protects fundamental
rights or mandates training for police officers. Frontline police officers
enforce law, not the assurances of the executive. The Bill will significantly
increase police powers (allowing them to impose practically any condition they
consider necessary) and open the door for values-based policing, rather than
tackling the root concern of the public: violent and extremely disruptive
disorder. The result is the erosion of our hard-fought for rights to free speech
and assembly. A strong voice from MPs across the political spectrum is now
urgent. I would be grateful if you could consider signing the Freedom of Speech
Early Day Motion
(https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/59273/freedom-of-speech) which aims
to protect freedom in public order legislation and equip enforcement agencies to
prevent serious public disorder whilst protecting fundamental rights. As the
Bill returns to the House of Lords, I would also be most grateful if you could
seriously consider a compromise that at least includes some free
speech-affirming amendments on the face of the Bill. Yours sincerely,
----------- Right to freedom of speech Freedom of speech has been protected by
the law in the UK for as long, if not longer than any other country in the
world, through our common law. Freedom of speech has now acquired constitutional
protection through our accession to the European Convention on Human Rights as
incorporated in the Human Rights Act 1998. The Courts have consistently
held freedom of speech as a fundamental right in a democratic society. Free
speech is the vehicle through which citizens can express dissent, and the
government can be held to account for violations of all other rights. However,
these rights are not absolute; the government can restrict them where necessary
and proportionate for various reasons, including the prevention of disorder or
crime. In public spaces, restrictions on freedom of speech are most frequently
imposed under the Public Order Act 1986. Public Order Act 1986 The 1986 Act
gives police officers powers to tackle behaviour that is threatening, abusive,
and seriously disorderly. The provision most routinely used to curtail speech in
public spaces is section 5 of the Public Order Act, which criminalise words or
behaviour deemed to be "threatening or abusive". The provision was originally
purposed to tackle the numerous instances of violent and intimidating behaviour
of football hooligans in the 1980s. However, over time the application of
section 5 expanded. Individuals were increasingly prosecuted in circumstances
not envisaged by Parliament and which unduly restricted otherwise lawful speech.
For example, section 5 has been interpreted to criminalise comedians, street
preachers, and political activists for simply engaging in speech considered
offensive by bystanders. Examples include an Oxford student asking a police
officer, "Do you realise your horse is gay?" which the police force described as
homophobic and "offensive to people passing by", to a 16-year-old holding up a
placard saying, "Scientology is a dangerous cult". This year alone a number of
street evangelists have been arrested due to their biblically-based views on
marriage, sexuality and life. 2013 reforms and continued curtailment of free
speech rights In 2013, Parliament amended section 5 of the Act to address the
improper criminalisation of merely 'insulting' words and behaviour. Parliament
acknowledged that the fundamental right of freedom of speech necessarily
included speech that was shocking, disturbing, and offensive. A failure to
protect such speech would contravene the UK's obligations under international
law and the Parliament thus removed the word 'insulting' from section 5 of the
Public Order Act in the hope that it would stay the unjust arrests of legitimate
viewpoints, even if considered offensive by members of the public.
Unfortunately, evidence suggests that the intent and will of Parliament to
protect free speech in public spaces continues to be frustrated. Members of the
public are repeatedly arrested and prosecuted merely for expressing unpopular
viewpoints. Speech that was formerly considered 'insulting' has now simply been
reinterpreted as 'abusive'. Prosecution guidance has not been updated to reflect
the intent of Parliament to protect free speech. Furthermore, in a remarkable
departure from our legal tradition on free speech, local Councils have
interpreted the law as permitting the introduction of blanket censorship zones,
criminalising otherwise peaceful and lawful speech in specified public locations
(see section 59 of the Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2014 section 59). Recent
examples include expressions ranging from non-abusive swearing to a blanket ban
on prayer (including silent prayer). Human rights experts have widely criticised
the marginalisation of fundamental rights by local authorities, and the issue
has largely gone under the radar. Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts (PCSC)
Bill 2021 The continued suppression of lawful speech in public spaces signals a
lack of clarity in the law. Whilst free speech remains a fundamental right under
the Human Rights Act, the broad enforcement powers given to police officers and
the vague provisions allowing for broad, subjective assessments means that the
right to freedom of speech has, in practice, consistently been undermined,
marginalised or ignored. As the first major update to public order legislation
in nearly 35 years, the Bill presents an opportunity for Parliament to
effectively protect free speech in public spaces in a way which the law has
hitherto been unable to do. Concerningly, the Bill in its current form makes no
mention of protecting free speech. On the contrary, the Bill includes a number
of vague terms and broad powers that will inevitably erode free speech rights to
an extent unknown to post-war England and Wales. Part 3 (clauses 55-61) – the
free speech restricting provisions restrict The provisions impacting freedom of
speech can be found in Part 3 of the Bill (clauses 55-61), which ostensibly
relate to protest but also have serious ramifications for freedom of speech in
general. The government's stated reason for introducing Part 3 is to empower
police officers to take a more proactive approach in managing highly disruptive
protests causing serious disruption to the public – such as the Extinction
Rebellion protest of April 2019. However, in practice, the Bill will give police
officers the discretion to arrest individuals based on the content of their
speech if it merely risks causing, for example, serious 'unease' (clause 54) and
'inconvenience' (clause 60). These far-reaching restrictions on speech are
compounded by the government's proposals to significantly increase sentences
should an individual fall foul of the vague provisions above (Clause 60(4));
lower the threshold for pre-charge bail conditions – allowing officers to
restrict freedoms even where there is insufficient evidence of a criminal
offence (Clause 43), and award broad powers to the Secretary of State to define
the ambit of criminality in the future without allowing meaningful parliamentary
scrutiny (Clause 55(4)). In practice, these provisions will not only lead to
more confusion on the part of police officers (who have already remarked that
they did not ask for the powers proposed and that the Bill is 'harmful to
democracy') but will almost certainly lead to more unjust arrests, increased
litigation in the courts and, ultimately, a chilling effect on freedom of speech
in public spaces.
Mail Content
To my representative in Parliament, Thank you for defending freedom by signing
the Freedom of Speech Early Day Motion
(https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/59273/freedom-of-speech). If it
progresses, it will ensure that public order legislation protects free speech
and improved training for enforcement agencies, while preventing serious
disorder. The Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts (PCSC) Bill will limit my
freedom to speak openly, since the Government has rejected key Lords pro-freedom
amendments to it. Your help is vital to defend citizens facing arrest for
expressing their religious, political and philosophical convictions in public,
due to police interpreting and enforcing the Public Order Act 1986
inconsistently. Although it’s not too late to protect freedom of speech and
assembly in the UK, time is running out. I would be most grateful if you could
consider passing on the motion to your colleagues in the Lords and the Commons.
Yours sincerely, ----------- Right to freedom of speech Freedom of speech has
been protected by the law in the UK for as long, if not longer than any other
country in the world, through our common law. Freedom of speech has now acquired
constitutional protection through our accession to the European Convention on
Human Rights as incorporated in the Human Rights Act 1998. The Courts have
consistently held freedom of speech as a fundamental right in a democratic
society. Free speech is the vehicle through which citizens can express dissent,
and the government can be held to account for violations of all other rights.
However, these rights are not absolute; the government can restrict them where
necessary and proportionate for various reasons, including the prevention of
disorder or crime. In public spaces, restrictions on freedom of speech are most
frequently imposed under the Public Order Act 1986. Public Order Act 1986 The
1986 Act gives police officers powers to tackle behaviour that is threatening,
abusive, and seriously disorderly. The provision most routinely used to curtail
speech in public spaces is section 5 of the Public Order Act, which criminalise
words or behaviour deemed to be "threatening or abusive". The provision was
originally purposed to tackle the numerous instances of violent and intimidating
behaviour of football hooligans in the 1980s. However, over time the application
of section 5 expanded. Individuals were increasingly prosecuted in circumstances
not envisaged by Parliament and which unduly restricted otherwise lawful speech.
For example, section 5 has been interpreted to criminalise comedians, street
preachers, and political activists for simply engaging in speech considered
offensive by bystanders. Examples include an Oxford student asking a police
officer, "Do you realise your horse is gay?" which the police force described as
homophobic and "offensive to people passing by", to a 16-year-old holding up a
placard saying, "Scientology is a dangerous cult". This year alone a number of
street evangelists have been arrested due to their biblically-based views on
marriage, sexuality and life. 2013 reforms and continued curtailment of free
speech rights In 2013, Parliament amended section 5 of the Act to address the
improper criminalisation of merely 'insulting' words and behaviour. Parliament
acknowledged that the fundamental right of freedom of speech necessarily
included speech that was shocking, disturbing, and offensive. A failure to
protect such speech would contravene the UK's obligations under international
law and the Parliament thus removed the word 'insulting' from section 5 of the
Public Order Act in the hope that it would stay the unjust arrests of legitimate
viewpoints, even if considered offensive by members of the public.
Unfortunately, evidence suggests that the intent and will of Parliament to
protect free speech in public spaces continues to be frustrated. Members of the
public are repeatedly arrested and prosecuted merely for expressing unpopular
viewpoints. Speech that was formerly considered 'insulting' has now simply been
reinterpreted as 'abusive'. Prosecution guidance has not been updated to reflect
the intent of Parliament to protect free speech. Furthermore, in a remarkable
departure from our legal tradition on free speech, local Councils have
interpreted the law as permitting the introduction of blanket censorship zones,
criminalising otherwise peaceful and lawful speech in specified public locations
(see section 59 of the Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2014 section 59). Recent
examples include expressions ranging from non-abusive swearing to a blanket ban
on prayer (including silent prayer). Human rights experts have widely criticised
the marginalisation of fundamental rights by local authorities, and the issue
has largely gone under the radar. Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts (PCSC)
Bill 2021 The continued suppression of lawful speech in public spaces signals a
lack of clarity in the law. Whilst free speech remains a fundamental right under
the Human Rights Act, the broad enforcement powers given to police officers and
the vague provisions allowing for broad, subjective assessments means that the
right to freedom of speech has, in practice, consistently been undermined,
marginalised or ignored. As the first major update to public order legislation
in nearly 35 years, the Bill presents an opportunity for Parliament to
effectively protect free speech in public spaces in a way which the law has
hitherto been unable to do. Concerningly, the Bill in its current form makes no
mention of protecting free speech. On the contrary, the Bill includes a number
of vague terms and broad powers that will inevitably erode free speech rights to
an extent unknown to post-war England and Wales. Part 3 (clauses 55-61) – the
free speech restricting provisions restrict The provisions impacting freedom of
speech can be found in Part 3 of the Bill (clauses 55-61), which ostensibly
relate to protest but also have serious ramifications for freedom of speech in
general. The government's stated reason for introducing Part 3 is to empower
police officers to take a more proactive approach in managing highly disruptive
protests causing serious disruption to the public – such as the Extinction
Rebellion protest of April 2019. However, in practice, the Bill will give police
officers the discretion to arrest individuals based on the content of their
speech if it merely risks causing, for example, serious 'unease' (clause 54) and
'inconvenience' (clause 60). These far-reaching restrictions on speech are
compounded by the government's proposals to significantly increase sentences
should an individual fall foul of the vague provisions above (Clause 60(4));
lower the threshold for pre-charge bail conditions – allowing officers to
restrict freedoms even where there is insufficient evidence of a criminal
offence (Clause 43), and award broad powers to the Secretary of State to define
the ambit of criminality in the future without allowing meaningful parliamentary
scrutiny (Clause 55(4)). In practice, these provisions will not only lead to
more confusion on the part of police officers (who have already remarked that
they did not ask for the powers proposed and that the Bill is 'harmful to
democracy') but will almost certainly lead to more unjust arrests, increased
litigation in the courts and, ultimately, a chilling effect on freedom of speech
in public spaces.
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Why is this important?
TOGETHER WE CAN SAFEGUARD FREE EXPRESSION BY
Reforming the law to remove the ambiguous wording used to unjustly arrest those
expressing deeply held views. Adding a comprehensive free speech clause to
public order legislation.
WHY ISN’T THE CURRENT LAW PROTECTING FREE SPEECH IN THE PUBLIC SQUARE?
71-year-old John Sherwood has been a Pastor in North London for 35 years. As
part of his Christian calling, he preaches in the open air. But in May 2020,
local authorities censored him for the apparent use of “abusive words” likely to
cause “harassment, alarm or distress”. “I was only saying what the Bible says –
I wasn’t wanting to hurt anyone or cause offence,” refuted Sherwood.
Click to read more
Introducing specific training and guidance for the police, prosecutors and
courts to better balance freedom of speech rights with ensuring public order.
WHAT MIGHT THE NEW POLICE, CRIME, SENTENCING AND COURTS (PCSC) BILL MEAN FOR
FREE SPEECH?
The PCSC Bill seeks to strengthen police powers to respond to public order
incidents and protests.
We are concerned that the Bill could make things worse for those expressing
deeply held views which includes Christians wanting to share about their faith
publicly.
Click to read more
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FEATURED
* MPS MUST ACT TO PROTECT OUR FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT TO PROTEST—NOT CRUSH IT
The laws that govern behaviour on our streets have had a chilling effect on
freedom of speech. Ambiguous wording in legislation and confused enforcement
protocols have led to a spate of arrests for legitimate speech and protest.
We are working to improve the law and to change how the law is enforced so
that you can speak in public with confidence.
Read More
RESOURCES
* THE POLICE, CRIME, SENTENCING AND COURTS BILL: CONCERNS FOR CATHOLICS
Read More
* SPEAKING FREELY – EPISODE 2
Watch the episode
* FREE SPEECH IN THE PUBLIC SQUARE – SHOULD THOUGHTS OR STARES BE POLICED?
Watch the interview
* PCSC BILL – 3 AREAS OF CONCERN FOR FREEDOM OF SPEECH
Watch the interview
* SPEAKING FREELY – EPISODE 1
Watch the episode
* FREE SPEECH AT UNIVERSITY: SHOULD STUDENTS BE ALLOWED TO DEBATE SENSITIVE
ISSUES?
Watch the interview
* PCSC BILL: POTENTIAL NEGATIVE IMPACTS ON FREEDOM OF SPEECH
Watch the interview
* FIVE AREAS OF CONCERN FOR STREET EVANGELISTS IN THE PCSC BILL
Get your copy
* 5 IN 5: FREEDOM OF SPEECH
Watch the video
NEWS
FILTER
Freedom in the Public Square
MPS MUST ACT TO PROTECT OUR FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT TO PROTEST—NOT CRUSH IT
March 3, 2022
THE SWEET TASTE OF FREEDOM – BY LIZZIE TROUGHTON WRITING FOR THE CRITIC
January 6, 2022
SWEET VICTORY FOR CHRISTIAN BAKERS’ FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE: EUROPE’S TOP COURT
TOSSES OUT ATTEMPT TO RE-OPEN CAKE DISPUTE
January 6, 2022
FREE SPEECH UNDER FIRE
December 23, 2021
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WHAT MIGHT THE NEW POLICE, CRIME, SENTENCING AND COURTS (PCSC) BILL MEAN FOR
FREE SPEECH?
THE PCSC BILL SEEKS TO STRENGTHEN POLICE POWERS TO RESPOND TO PUBLIC ORDER
INCIDENTS AND PROTESTS.
WE ARE CONCERNED THAT THE BILL COULD MAKE THINGS WORSE FOR THOSE EXPRESSING
DEEPLY HELD VIEWS WHICH INCLUDES CHRISTIANS WANTING TO SHARE ABOUT THEIR FAITH
PUBLICLY.
THE BILL, IF PASSED TODAY, WOULD GIVE POLICE BROAD POWERS TO IMPOSE CONDITIONS
OR ARREST PEOPLE IF THEIR PUBLIC EXPRESSION CAUSES “SERIOUS UNEASE, ALARM OR
DISTRESS”, OR EVEN “INCONVENIENCE” TO BYSTANDERS; CONCEPTS THAT ARE HIGHLY
AMBIGUOUS AND INCREDIBLY SUBJECTIVE. IN LIGHT OF THE RISKS, WE ARE CAMPAIGNING
FOR THE INCLUSION OF CLEAR, UNAMBIGUOUS, AND ROBUST PROTECTIONS FOR FREEDOM OF
SPEECH – APPLYING BOTH TO THE PCSC BILL AND TO WIDER PUBLIC ORDER LEGISLATION.
WHAT CAN I DO?
WILL YOU STAND WITH US FOR FREE SPEECH? WRITE TO YOUR MP TO ASK THEM TO SUPPORT
THIS IN PARLIAMENT TODAY!
CLOSE
WHY ISN’T THE CURRENT LAW PROTECTING FREE SPEECH IN THE PUBLIC SQUARE?
71-YEAR-OLD JOHN SHERWOOD HAS BEEN A PASTOR IN NORTH LONDON FOR 35 YEARS. AS
PART OF HIS CHRISTIAN CALLING, HE PREACHES IN THE OPEN AIR. BUT IN MAY 2020,
LOCAL AUTHORITIES CENSORED HIM FOR THE APPARENT USE OF “ABUSIVE WORDS” LIKELY TO
CAUSE “HARASSMENT, ALARM OR DISTRESS”. “I WAS ONLY SAYING WHAT THE BIBLE SAYS –
I WASN’T WANTING TO HURT ANYONE OR CAUSE OFFENCE,” REFUTED SHERWOOD. HE HAD
PREACHED FROM GENESIS 1:26. MALE AND FEMALE THEY CREATED THEM. IT’S HIS BASIS
FOR THE BELIEF THAT MARRIAGE IS BETWEEN ONE MAN AND ONE WOMAN – A VIEW HELD
BY ABOUT 1 IN 5 BRITS.
HOW HAVE WE GOT HERE?
THE PART OF THE ACT (SECTION 5) RELATING TO THE CRIMINALIZATION OF ABUSE LIKELY
TO CAUSE HARASSMENT ALARM AND DISTRESS WERE LARGELY INTRODUCED TO GIVE POLICE
POWERS TO TACKLE VIOLENT FOOTBALL HOOLIGANISM AND RIOTS. HOWEVER, THE ACT IS NOW
MORE OFTEN USED TO ARREST PEOPLE FOR LEGITIMATE SPEECH. THE BAN ON “INSULTING”
SPEECH, WHICH ALLOWED FOR SUBJECTIVE INTERPRETATIONS, WAS REMOVED FROM THE LAW 8
YEARS AGO, BUT A PERSON IS STILL GUILTY OF AN OFFENCE IF HE OR SHE “USES
THREATENING OR ABUSIVE WORDS OR BEHAVIOUR, OR DISORDERLY BEHAVIOUR”.
YET, DESPITE PARLIAMENT’S CLEAR INTENTION AGAINST THE CRIMINALIZATION OF
INSULTING SPEECH, ARRESTS ON THESE GROUNDS HAVE CONTINUED. POLICE OFFICERS HAVE
SIMPLY OPTED TO ARREST INDIVIDUALS PREVIOUSLY CONSIDERED INSULTING AS ‘ABUSIVE’,
WHICH REMAINS A CRIMINAL OFFENCE.
CLOSE
WHY IS YOUR SUPPORT IMPORTANT?
Whether it be for sharing deeply held beliefs relating to matters of ethical,
political or religious debate, our public order laws have been too often used to
falsely arrest or threaten arrest people for their expression in the streets. We
believe that the law needs reform so that a reasonable balance is struck between
upholding the right to freedom of expression and maintining public order.
By writing to your Member of Parliament, you ask him to sign a Freedom of Speech
motion in Parliament. The more signatures the motion obtains, the stronger the
message for Government.
CLOSE
HELP BY SHARING
FUNDRAISERS SHARED ON SOCIAL NETWORKS RAISE UP TO 5X MORE
CLOSE
CASE SUMMARY
POLICE INVESTIGATIONS AGAINST RÄSÄNEN STARTED IN JUNE 2019. AS AN ACTIVE MEMBER
OF THE FINNISH LUTHERAN CHURCH, SHE ADDRESSED THE LEADERSHIP OF HER CHURCH AND
QUESTIONED ITS OFFICIAL SPONSORSHIP OF THE LGBT EVENT ‘PRIDE 2019’, ACCOMPANIED
BY AN IMAGE OF A BIBLE TEXT. RÄSÄNEN HAS ALREADY ATTENDED SEVERAL LENGTHY POLICE
INTERVIEWS ABOUT HER VIEWS AND HAD TO WAIT OVER A YEAR FOR THE GENERAL
PROSECUTOR TO DECIDE WHETHER TO CONTINUE WITH THE PROSECUTION. THAT DECISION WAS
MADE IN APRIL 2021 AND ADF INTERNATIONAL WILL CONTINUE SUPPORTING RÄSÄNEN’S
DEFENSE AND THE RIGHT FOR EVERYONE TO FREELY SHARE THEIR BELIEFS.
PÄIVI RÄSÄNEN HAS SERVED AS A MEMBER OF THE FINNISH PARLIAMENT SINCE 1995, AND
WAS MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR FROM 2011-2015. SHE IS A MEDICAL DOCTOR, MOTHER OF
FIVE CHILDREN, AND HAS SEVEN GRANDCHILDREN.
“FREEDOM OF SPEECH IS ONE OF THE CORNERSTONES OF DEMOCRACY. THE FINNISH
PROSECUTOR GENERAL’S DECISION TO BRING THESE CHARGES AGAINST DR. RÄSÄNEN CREATES
A CULTURE OF FEAR AND CENSORSHIP. IF COMMITTED CIVIL SERVANTS LIKE PÄIVI RÄSÄNEN
ARE CRIMINALLY CHARGED FOR VOICING THEIR DEEPLY HELD BELIEFS, IT CREATES A
CHILLING EFFECT FOR EVERYONE’S RIGHT TO SPEAK FREELY, ”SAID PAUL COLEMAN,
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF ADF INTERNATIONAL AND AUTHOR OF “CENSORED“.
CLOSE
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