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@Waspapping: Yoruba people need to call their people in Oyo state to order.
Ethnic cleansing of Hausa people in that state does no one good.


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Contents:
Alaba at Chelsea: I am in contact with Bayern Munich defender – Antonio Rudiger
– TBEN Connect With Us Lateef Kayode Jakande (1929-2021): Man who set example in
public service


Please share your general feedback. You can join in the discussion by joining
the community or logging in here. You can also find out more about Emerald
Engage. Visit emeraldpublishing. Answers to the most commonly asked questions
here. Findings Economically vulnerable informal workers in Nigeria have
contextually interpreted COVID as an elite disease, imported into Nigeria by the
wealthy.

Please note you do not have access to teaching notes. But what is more important
is to flatter them by imitating them appropriately. I am tempted Drummers of
Hate and the Drunken Dancers February 16, am. Remembering Baba Kekere February
15, am. February 14, am. The one caveat is that seven of the cases against
former state governors filed under Ribadu, and a number of the cases brought by
Waizri, have been stalled in the courts by procedural delays and may yet result
in important convictions.

In September , he was arrested by British authorities in London. He was
sentenced to two years in prison and released, for time served, the day after
his sentencing. In May senior ruling party officials openly campaigned alongside
Alamieyeseigha at a political rally in Bayelsa State, just 10 months after his
conviction. But the trial judge in the case, Abdullahi Kafarati , deviated from
the terms of the plea agreement and handed down a very light sentence that
included no jail time this aspect of the case is discussed in more detail below.

The EFCC appealed the light sentence. In early , the EFCC raided two of his
palatial homes in Abuja and filed new criminal charges against the former
governor. The positive example of his conviction was diminished, however, when
he was treated to a rapturous welcome by key ruling party figures upon his
release from prison in February The EFCC has made some promising steps in
tackling deeply entrenched impunity for political corruption in Nigeria.

At this writing, 30 nationally prominent political figures had been arraigned by
the EFCC on corruption charges in the eight years since the agency was
established. But many of these cases have made little progress in the courts;
there have been only four convictions to date and those convicted have faced
relatively little or no prison time, and other senior political figures who have
been widely implicated in corruption have not been prosecuted. His conviction
after a swift and efficient trial was in many ways a landmark success for the
EFCC.

Bode George was released from prison in February Far from being treated as a
pariah because of his misdeeds, he was whisked from his jail cell to a lavish
welcome ceremony attended by prominent ruling party politicians including former
President Obasanjo, then-Ogun State governor Gbenga Daniel, and then-minister of
defense Ademola Adetokunbo.

Meanwhile, the Lagos State judge who sent Bode George to prison was removed from
criminal matters and sent to work in family court. Joshua Dariye and Abdullahi
Adamu, former state governors of Plateau and Nasarawa, respectively, have both
been arraigned by the EFCC on corruption charges but won elections to the Senate
in the April elections. In a purely structural sense the EFCC is deeply
vulnerable to the whims of the presidency. He was also reportedly a close
associate of James Ibori, the disgraced former governor of oil-rich Delta State
in the Niger Delta. During his time in office, Aondoakaa worked openly to
undermine the independence of the EFCC and to derail domestic and international
efforts to bring Ibori to justice.

His strong-arm tactics earned him considerable notoriety. Aondoakaa is also
alleged to have interfered in the money laundering case against Ibori and his
associates in the United Kingdom. On the other hand, despite the WikiLeaks
revelations described above, Waziri asserted to Human Rights Watch that since
assuming office she has never come under any sort of political pressure.

I have not been prevailed on by the presidency to do anything on these cases.
This kind of alleged political interference is a problem for other
anti-corruption institutions as well. In January Attorney General Mohammed Adoke
announced that he was taking over a rare high-profile ICPC corruption case
against the deputy health minister Suleiman Bello, without offering any
explanation for the move.

The attorney general has the power to take over or discontinue any prosecution
from another federal agency if he believes it to be in the interest of justice.
Some have gone more than four years without a single witness being called at
trial. With the exception of the Lagos State court system, no other state courts
or judges in the federal system are designated to hear the corruption cases—and
even in Lagos State the designated judges still have to hear cases involving
other matters on their docket. With the notable exception of the Lagos State
court system, rules of evidence and procedure have for the most part been left
practically untouched since colonial rule, with absurd results—most state
courts, for example, still lack a formal mechanism to admit electronic documents
into evidence.

These and other factors conspire to create extraordinary delays. Many judges
halt trials while interlocutory appeals are decided by higher courts, and
skilled defense lawyers can exploit this to generate months or even years of
delays in any given case. In early , after nearly five years of appeals and
other stoppages, the trial was finally expected to commence—only to be postponed
yet again when Audu was granted a delay for medical reasons.

Critics doubted how ill the accused truly was; having declared his candidacy to
regain the governorship of Kogi State, Audu was vigorously campaigning in spite
of his infirmity. I will advise my client not to rush to judgment. This is
compounded by the fact that judges are bombarded with work, have no modern
facilities, and no good assistance. Dariye skipped bail, fled to Nigeria and
reassumed his office—which granted him immunity from prosecution.

Soon after he was charged, the Federal High Court granted Dariye bail even
though he had fled prosecution while out on bail in the UK. In December Dariye
was back before the trial court and Banjoko stated that his trial would finally
commence in January The court subsequently halted the proceedings again until
that appeal could be heard.

These delays are not all inevitable. But EFCC officials say that many judges
have simply refused to adhere to section 40, viewing their wide discretion to
decide such matters as a constitutional guarantee that cannot be curtailed by
legislation. Some EFCC officials feel that the only way they can avoid crippling
judicial delay is to convince trial courts to deny the accused bail. The two
convictions secured by the EFCC under Ribadu were obtained through plea bargains
after the accused had been denied bail.


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If the accused are suffering in detention, the logic goes, they will be far less
eager to postpone their trials. All of them. The EFCC, under both Ribadu and
Waziri, has opposed bail in virtually all the corruption cases, but unlike the
early cases brought by Ribadu, the courts now grant the accused bail.

At this writing, of the 24 cases of nationally prominent political figures
awaiting trial, all of the accused were free on bail. Courts in Nigeria have
stood up to roll back abuses of government power more frequently and effectively
than any other institution. The blizzard of injunctions was so dense that many
critics suspected some judges were essentially offering them up for sale. The
temptation to give in to graft is especially high in cases involving wealthy
political figures on trial for corruption.

Human Rights Watch has not seen concrete evidence of judicial corruption in any
of the EFCC cases, but there are at least three high-profile EFCC cases where
the appearance of judicial impropriety has been striking. According to attorney
Rotimi Jacobs, who prosecuted the case, the agreement stipulated that Igbinedion
would plead guilty to several counts, and the judge would sentence him to at
least six months in prison and order the former governor to forfeit three
illicitly-acquired Abuja properties. Deviating from the terms of the agreement,
the Federal High Court judge, Abdullahi Kafarati , sentenced Igbinedion to a
paltry 3.

Igbinedion walked free the same day of his sentencing after reportedly paying
the fine on the spot, in cash. In dismissing the charges against Ibori, Federal
High Court judge Marcel Awokulehin held that despite submitting over 1, pages of
documentation, the prosecution had failed to establish a prima facie case of
even one instance of criminal wrongdoing by Ibori or his six co-defendants.
Considering the allegations at issue, the decision was baffling.


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While the EFCC certainly faces an array of external obstacles to its work, the
agency has also managed to damage some of its own prosecutions through error and
incompetence. While these tactics earned headlines and may have struck fear into
the hearts of some corrupt public officials, critics worried that they also
undermined the underlying investigations. Odili was a close ally of former
president Olusegun Obasanjo.

His tenure in office was marred by widespread evidence of corruption,
mismanagement, organized political violence, and electoral fraud. Ibrahim
Lamorde, who was interim chair of the EFCC when Buba handed down the injunction,
has never publicly explained why he did not contest that either. The agency has
retained outside lawyer Ado Balarabe Mahmoud to try and overturn it. Nearly all
were police personnel who had been seconded to the EFCC, including some who had
received significant specialized training by the US government. Waziri claims
that she had the individuals redeployed because they were working openly to
undermine her position.

Several other officers were redeployed by the police to remote postings where
none of their considerable investigative skills would likely be put to use. The
ambassador threatened to walk out, and the foreign minister agreed to tell
Waziri that she would have to go. Key European Union and United Nations
representatives expressed relatively optimistic views, urging other donors to
give Waziri a chance. In December many observers were surprised when Ibrahim
Lamorde—a prominent former Ribadu deputy—was brought back to the EFCC as
director of operations.

Human Rights Watch has seen no concrete evidence of this alleged wrongdoing,
however.

As examples he cited having received numerous petitions from fraud victims who
explained how they had approached the EFCC for help only to have its operatives
demand a large cut of any assets ultimately recovered. Their shortcomings are
important—both institutions have powers and resources that in some ways outstrip
those of the EFCC and could be very potent weapons in the fight against
corruption. But in a public opinion poll of Nigerians in , only 16 percent of
respondents named the ICPC as the anti-corruption agency that first came to
their mind—compared to 81 percent of respondents who named the EFCC.

For example, the ICPC has broader powers than the EFCC to seize the assets of
allegedly corrupt public officials and compel production of financial
information.

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Since , the agency has arraigned people on various corruption charges and
secured 25 convictions. Out of those cases, seven defendants—charged in —died or
had their case dismissed; [] two of the trials, at this writing, had not yet
begun; [] and only one case had resulted in a conviction. In the view of many
ICPC critics, the institution has been consistently hobbled by lethargic and
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Akwa Ibom is one of Nigeria's 36 states, with a population of over five million
people in The state was created in by Ibrahim Babangida from the former Cross
River State and is currently the highest oil- and gas-producing state in the
country. The state's capital is Uyo , with over , inhabitants.


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sports complex. It is shaped like the Allianz arena stadium. Although several
Scottish missionaries arrived in Calabar in , and Ibono in , the British did not
firmly establish control of the area until In that year, the Enyong Division was
created encompassing the area of the current state of Akwa Ibom, with
headquarters at Ikot Ekpene , an Annang city described by the noted Africanist
Kaanan Nair, as the cultural and political capital of Annang [8] and Ibibio.

The creation of Enyong Division for the first time allowed the numerous ethnic
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