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Dispatch: Why Does Eastern Germany Love Putin So Much?
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Dispatch
WHY DOES EASTERN GERMANY LOVE PUTIN SO MUCH?
RUSSIAN DISINFORMATION HAS BEWITCHED THE FAR RIGHT AND THE FAR LEFT.
September 17, 2023, 6:00 AM
By Jens Kastner, a Germany-based journalist, and Jack Hewson, a British-Irish
journalist and filmmaker focused on geopolitics, conflict, and insurgency.
Supporters of the AfD party, Free Saxons movement, and other groups demonstrate
against high energy prices, German support for Ukraine, and other government
policies in Chemnitz, Germany.
Supporters of the AfD party, Free Saxons movement, and other groups demonstrate
against high energy prices, German support for Ukraine, and other government
policies in Chemnitz, Germany, on Nov. 28, 2022. Härtel Press via Reuters
Connect
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* Russia
* Europe
CHEMNITZ, Germany—Werner enthusiastically waved a white, red, and blue Russian
tricolor flag—with the added imperial crest of the tsars—as we talked outside
the former Stasi headquarters of what was once Karl Marx City, now Chemnitz, in
eastern Germany.
CHEMNITZ, Germany—Werner enthusiastically waved a white, red, and blue Russian
tricolor flag—with the added imperial crest of the tsars—as we talked outside
the former Stasi headquarters of what was once Karl Marx City, now Chemnitz, in
eastern Germany.
“The current German state is worse than what we had during communist times, and
America, not [Russian President Vladimir] Putin, is the true evil of this
world,” he said, aggressively thrusting his finger in my face, our conversation
eavesdropped on by a giant statue of Marx.
A retired bricklayer in his 70s, Werner might be expected to have mellowed with
age. He’s old enough to have been briefly interrogated by the Stasi in the 1980s
and to remember his father, a former Nazi soldier, returning disheveled from
Soviet imprisonment in the 1950s. But none of that has stemmed his apparent
sympathy for Russian imperialism, nor his anger at the West.
“German reunification benefited only the West Germans, and Germany should leave
us Saxons alone,” he said. “Germany should also leave Putin alone, as it was far
worse to Russia in World War II than Putin is to Ukraine now.”
Meet the Free Saxons movement. Werner has been attending every Monday rally of
the secessionist right-wing monarchist movement that seeks to restore the
kingdom of Saxony, which historically never had much weight beyond its own
borders during its 112-year existence that ended with World War I. And like much
of the German political fringe, it finds curious common ground with Putin’s
Russia.
The Russian president has exerted influence over East German attitudes toward
Russia since he arrived in Dresden, Saxony’s regional capital, on his first
posting as a young KGB agent in the mid-1980s. His foreign assignment in East
Germany came to an abrupt end on Dec. 5, 1989, when demonstrators occupied the
Stasi headquarters. Another crowd rushed to the nearby KGB office where he had a
close encounter as they came close to storming the building. His subsequent
calls to the Red Army for protection and reinforcements were met with silence,
something Putin has never forgiven or forgotten.
A demonstrator during a pro-Russian protest with a half-German, half-Russian
flag.
A demonstrator during a pro-Russia protest in Berlin on Sept. 9. Michael
Kuenne/Sipa via AP Images
In perhaps his most famous quote, Putin told the Russian parliament in 2005 that
the collapse of the USSR was the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the
[20th] century.” To him, it was an experience of personal humiliation. In 1990,
he returned with his young family to his hometown of Leningrad, now St.
Petersburg, where he claimed to have had to drive a taxi to make ends meet,
before landing a more lucrative gig as the serial president, sometimes prime
minister, of Russia.
But almost 40 years later he still finds receptive ears in the former Soviet
satellite where a curious alliance of elements from across the political
spectrum has voiced sympathy or support for his invasion of Ukraine. A survey
conducted last October suggests that 40 percent of Germans fully or partially
believe that NATO provoked Russia into invading Ukraine; that number increases
to 59 percent in provinces that were once part of communist East Germany.
Saxony, East Germany’s most populous federal state, falls slap bang in the
middle of that anti-NATO heartland.
In his vendetta against the West, Putin has sought to erode Western liberal
democracies and the Euro-Atlanticist compact, boosting destabilizing political
candidates and supporting local separatist groups regardless of their
ideological alignment. Russian disinformation campaigns have been linked to,
among other events, the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United
States, the Scottish and Catalonian independence referendums, and Brexit.
Here in Chemnitz, it seems that Saxony is next on the list.
On a camping table set up next to Werner, political brochures and stickers
called for an alliance between Saxony and Russia. There were flags of the
historical Kingdom of Saxony and calls for “Säxit”—à la Brexit—far-reaching
autonomy from Germany or even Saxony’s secession.
The Free Saxons, while nominally preoccupied with regional secessionism, offer a
broad church of pro-Russian sentiment that has variously united far-right
extremists, Soviet nostalgics, and marginalized anti-government cranks who rant
about everything from vaccines to 5G to the war in Ukraine.
Read More
A visitor at the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin on Sept. 25, 2019. A visitor at
the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin on Sept. 25, 2019.
GERMANY HAS CONFRONTED ITS PAST. NOW IT MUST CONFRONT THE PRESENT.
Accepting—or rejecting—historical guilt for past evils doesn’t absolve nations
of present-day responsibility.
Argument
|
Marci Shore
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz stands in front of the Chancellery in Berlin.
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz stands in front of the Chancellery in Berlin.
GERMANY’S NEW RESOLVE ON RUSSIA IS ALREADY FLAGGING
Berlin—along with Paris—may yet help Moscow snatch victory from the jaws of
defeat.
Analysis
|
Peter Rough
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz delivers a speech on the Russian invasion of the
Ukraine during a meeting of the German federal parliament, the Bundestag, at the
Reichstag building on February 27, 2022 in Berlin. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz
delivers a speech on the Russian invasion of the Ukraine during a meeting of the
German federal parliament, the Bundestag, at the Reichstag building on February
27, 2022 in Berlin.
PUTIN ACCIDENTALLY STARTED A REVOLUTION IN GERMANY
The invasion of Ukraine is triggering a dramatic reversal of Berlin’s grand
strategy.
Analysis
|
Jeff Rathke
“Saxony has always had a public opinion different from the rest. We want good
relations with Russia. No weapons for Ukraine,” said Michael Brück, a Free
Saxons spokesman who sees the war in Ukraine as one between “Slavic peoples” and
one in which Germany has no business.
“The people here think of [Ukrainian President Volodymyr] Zelensky as an actor,
a criminal, and a puppet of the United States. Putin is his counterpart. He
stands up to U.S. imperialism. Most people here are anti-U.S. Here in Saxony,
the people remember the Dresden firebombing [in early 1945, a joint Royal Air
Force and U.S. Army Air Forces operation]. For the people here, the Americans
are warmongers.”
That history, plus decades of economic deprivation, sowed the seeds of dissent
and even radicalism in Saxony. Notably, it was a member of the Saxon-Thuringia
aristocracy who planned an attempted coup in Germany in 2022. Prince Heinrich
XIII Reuss joined with the Reichsbürger—a far-right imperial revivalist
movement—in its attempt to overthrow the government. The plot was uncovered in
December when prosecutors arrested 25 Reichsbürger plotters, including Reuss and
current and former security service members. The putsch was derided for its
grandiose ambition and dead-on-arrival failure. But it was a sobering reminder
of the resurgence of the German far right and its apparent willingness to commit
violent revolutionary acts. The killing of two police officers in January 2022
was also tied to the Reichsbürger, while in April 2022 a Reichsbürger member
tried to kill several police officers while they attempted to execute a search
warrant for the illegal possession of firearms. The ringleader, Reuss,
reportedly celebrated the 2022 Russia National Day in Russia’s consulate general
in Leipzig.
As Russia did with the Trump campaign and Brexit, Saxony has become a target of
pro-Russian messaging and misinformation, which flourishes in a post-truth media
landscape.
“Nobody believes the [mainstream] media here. If the German media says tomorrow
it is going to be sunny, we Saxons will put our raincoats on. That’s why people
turn to Telegram,” a social media platform widely used in Russia and Ukraine,
Brück said.
A news anchor on set in Moscow
A news anchor reports on the right-wing German party Alternative for Germany
(AfD) on the set of RT International, a state-funded TV network, in Moscow on
Dec. 6, 2019. Misha Friedman/Getty Images
Since the government enforced closure of the Russia Today (RT) operation in
Germany, Kremlin sympathizers have tuned in to Russian-linked independent media
and influencers. “Anti-Spiegel,” a play on German newspaper Der Spiegel, is run
by Thomas Röper, a German blogger living in St. Petersburg, a Kremlin-loyal
peddler of disinformation, conspiracy theories, and Russian propaganda. Russian
media reports are also translated and published for a German audience. It has
110,000 Telegram subscribers. Another German blogger, Alina Lipp—a former German
language correspondent for RT—plays an important role chirruping Russian
propaganda to her 196,000 Telegram subscribers. Her widest-reaching posts
reportedly receive over 2 million views.
Their messages are finding their mark. In February, the Berlin-based Center for
Monitoring, Analysis, and Strategy (CeMAS) released a paper on the role of
Russian disinformation in Germany, finding that between the spring and autumn of
2022, approval of pro-Russian propaganda narratives increased significantly,
especially in the east.
Putin’s disinformation warriors have coincided with the rise of
anti-technocratic movements on both sides of the ideological divide, a boon to
those in Moscow looking to destabilize the centrist consensus that has dominated
German politics for decades. The hard-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party
has within a year doubled its average poll numbers, riding a wave of populist
outrage over immigrants and energy prices. The AfD, whose delegations
occasionally visit Moscow, wants to dissolve the EU, strengthen Germany’s
individual national military posture at the expense of Germany’s NATO
engagement, and end all sanctions against Russia.
Recent national polling put the AfD at 22 percent, ahead of the ruling Social
Democratic Party, and trailing only the conservative Christian Democratic Union,
at 27 percent. In several eastern states, the AfD polls above 30 percent and has
grabbed one mayorship and one district administrator post.
The AfD, like many others in the east, has a big crush on the Kremlin. A
regional legislator, Hans-Thomas Tillschneider, founded an association called
East Wind, seeking to forge closer ties with Russia. He tried to visit
Russian-occupied territory in eastern Ukraine late last year, before even AfD
leadership balked at the optics. Tillschneider has said before that Russia was
the liberator of Germany in World War II, unlike the United States.
“There are still tens of thousands American soldiers occupying our country,” he
said, referring to U.S. troops who have spent decades there as part of NATO’s
defense against that very same Russia. “The USA wants to make us pawns on the
Ukrainian battlefield to expand its ‘rainbow [LGBT] empire.’”
The German far right loves that kind of talk. But the German left is on board,
too, reasoning that the enemy of my enemy is my friend. The Alliance for Peace
in Brandenburg holds vigils on leftist outrage topics, like the bombing of
Hiroshima in 1945 or NATO nuclear drills, and lobbies against Western arms
deliveries to Ukraine. Dominik Mikhalkevich, the Alliance’s Belarus-born
spokesman, said NATO drills are escalatory and Germany’s defense mandate should
be just to protect its own territory.
Demonstrators hold an upside down U.S flag with the writing AMI (America) GO
HOME
Demonstrators hold an upside-down U.S. flag with the writing “AMI (America) GO
HOME” during a protest against the rising cost of living, organized by the AfD
in Berlin on Oct. 8, 2022.Omer Messinger/Getty Images
“Sanctions against Russia should be dropped, as sanctions always play in the
wrong hands,” Mikhalkevich said. “I am from Belarus, a country where Western
sanctions have always caused the opposite they were designed to achieve, as
illustrated by [Belarusian President Aleksandr] Lukashenko still being around.”
Much like what happened in the United States, the special trick with Russian
misinformation is how it manages to appeal to both the far right and the far
left. German rightists love—and cite—Russia’s gripes about alleged Ukrainian
oppression of Russian speakers in the country’s east and south and its claimed
defense of white Christian European culture, said Jakub Wondreys, of the Hannah
Arendt Institute for the Research on Totalitarianism in Dresden. Yet they are
curiously quiet about Russia’s claims to be “de-Nazifying” Ukraine, for obvious
reasons.
The left, meanwhile, is happy to ape Putin’s anti-NATO rhetoric but overlooks
his social conservatism. “Both sides are cherry-picking their arguments from the
Russian disinformation campaign,” Wondreys said.
But Germany’s left, split between Putin supporters and opponents, is in free
fall. It’s the right that is ascendant. An AfD win in the next parliamentary
election in 2025 could turn Germany into a big Hungary, said Wolfgang Muno, a
political scientist at the University of Rostock. Hungary under Prime Minister
Viktor Orban is Russia’s Trojan horse inside the European Union, consistently
backing Moscow while blocking Brussels’s efforts to impose sanctions or wean off
Russian energy.
“We can see what happens when Putin lackeys rule in Hungary,” Munro said. If the
AfD joins a ruling coalition, he said, sanctions on Russia, and perhaps
large-scale German arms deliveries to Ukraine such as Leopard tanks, would be on
the chopping block, and Putin would get a lifeline.
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* Russia
* Europe
Jens Kastner is a Germany-based journalist.
Jack Hewson is a British-Irish journalist and filmmaker focused on geopolitics,
conflict, and insurgency. Twitter: @jack_s_hewson
Read More On Europe | Germany | Russia | Vladimir Putin
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